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What do you believe is being covered by the red tape on this sign? If you guessed the English translation of the French word 'arret'--the word 'stop'--then you guessed correctly. While this image implies that there is no need for the English language on signs of public administration in Quebec, this implication is false insofar as Quebec is a Francophone province in an Anglophone country and, furthermore, insofar as there is a substantial English minority in Quebec. Although you would not be able to determine these facts by examining the signs of public administration, such as this stop sign, as they are exclusively in French, you may be able to determine that Quebec is culturally diverse by examining the advertisements found in this province. However, your examination should lead you to pose the following questions: why are all advertisements in Quebec either exclusively or predominately French and, in the latter case, why is the secondary language displayed substantially smaller than the French language? The response to these questions is that advertisements in Quebec are merely conforming to the regulations of Bill 101--the Charter of the French Language. 

While Bill 101 has more than 200 provisions in a sum of six titles--or sections--the simple description of the provisions found in its first and second titles discloses its oppressive nature towards the English language. The first title--Status of the French Language--defines French as "the official language of Quebec" and stipulates that advertisements in Quebec must be exclusively or predominantly in French (Bill 101). Although the second title--Linguistic Officialization, Toponymy and Francization--has been mostly repealed, the chapter on the francization of enterprises, which oblige business in Quebec to operate in French, remains prevalent. While I concede that it is the Charter of the French Language, and is therefore biased towards French, Bill 101 oppresses the English language by imposing regulations on English businesses, making it difficult for them to thrive in Quebec and discouraging new English businesses from investing in our province.

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The road to Bill 101 began in "the fall of 1969" when the National Assembly of Quebec assented to Bill 63--Loi pour la langue française au Quebec (Bélanger). Jean-Jacques Bertrand, heading the Union National government, agreed to pass Bill 63 into legislation in an effort to apease the Francophone demand "for a more French Quebec" and the Anglophone demand for "the recognition of minority rights" (Bélanger). Having been assented to, however, the Bill failed to appease the Francophone community, as it threatened the "position of dominance" of the French language in Quebec by guaranteeing that parents could choose "the language of instruction for their children" and by accelerating the assimilation of Allophones into Anglophone communities (Bélanger). In effect, the Gendron Commission was established "to study the status of the French language"; the study concluded with the recommendation of Bill 22 (Bélanger).

Bill 22--Loi sur la langue officielle--was passed into legislation "by the National Assembly of Quebec in 1974" (Bélanger). Robert Bourassa, heading the Liberal government, assented to Bill 22 in an effort to resolve the problems caused by Bill 63; Bourassa sought to "reconcile the promotion of the French language" with the "protection of minority rights" (Bélanger). Bill 22 decreed French to be "the official language" of Quebec and established the "Régie de la langue française," whose function it was to ensure "the application of the Bill" (Bélanger). Bill 22 required, among other things, that advertisements had to be "primarily in French in Quebec" and that enterprises had to obtain "a certificate of francization" in order to continue operating, which could only be obtained when a business demonstrated that it "could function (...) and address its employees in French" (Bélanger).

Both the English and French opposed Bill 22. While the French argued that Bill 22 "did not go far enough," the English contended that "it went much too far" (Bélanger). Consequently, the English refused to vote for Bourassa's Liberal party in the upcoming election, contributing to "the election of the Parti Québécois" in November of 1976 (Bélanger). Soon after the election, in 1977, René Levesque, heading the Parti Québécois, passed Bill 101--Charte de la langue française--into legislation (Bélanger). 

Bill 101: The Oppression 

In the Preamble of the Charter of the French Language, the third assertion states that the National Assembly intended to promote the French language "in a spirit of fairness and open-mindedness, respectful of the institutions of the English-speaking community of Quebec"; however, a close analysis of the provisions of Bill 101 suggest that the National Assembly, in passing this Bill into legislation, neither assumed a spirit of fairness nor was respectful of English-speaking institutions (Bill 101).

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Bill 101: Advertisment Laws
Although the Preamble does suggest that the Charter will be open-minded, the Charter's spirit of oppressiveness begins to emanate from the first title--Status of the French Language. The first chapter of this title--which evidently has only one provision--decrees that "French is the official language of Quebec" (Bill 101). Note that it does not say that French is one of the official languages of Quebec; rather, it implies that French is the only official language of Quebec. Given that Quebec did at that time have a substantial English minority, a minority which its government was attempting to appease, this stipulation appears to be an act of intentional oppression.  

Six chapters later, in Chapter VII--The language of Commerce and Business--of the first title, provision 58 declares that public "signs and posters and commercial advertising must be in French"; however, they "may also be both in French and in another language provided that French is markedly predominant" (Bill 101). The French language is markedly predominant, according to the Charter, when it "has a much greater visual impact than the text in the other language," and it continues to stipulate what is defined as having 'a much greater visual impact' (Regulations defining). If the texts both appear on a single sign, then the French text has a much greater visual impact if (1) "the space allotted to the text in French is at least twice as large as the space allotted to the text in the other language"; if (2) "the characters used in the text in French are at least twice as large as those used in the text in the other language; and if (3) "the other characteristics of the sign or poster do not have the effect of reducing the visual impact of the text in French" (Regulations defining).

Similar absurdities apply when the texts appear on separate signs of equal size--the signs with the text in French must be "at least twice as numerous"--and when the text appear on separate signs of different sizes--the signs with the text in French must be "at least twice as large" (Regulations defining). Do you believe that these regulations emanate a spirit of fairness and open-mindedness or a spirit of oppression? I am inclined to believe that the latter case is true.    

These regulations on advertisement allow the "Office Quebecois de la Langue Franҫaise" (OQLF) to persecute enterprises for having a language in their advertisement that is equally predominant as the French language.They permit inspectors of the OQLF to approach signs with a ruler, measure them for minute discrepancies, and fine individuals who violate the law by a few centimeters--literally. Despite what some may believe, measuring for minute discrepancies and searching for characteristics that reduce the visual impact of the text in French are common occurrences. In fact, a personal acquaintance has had the OQLF accuse him of having on a sign in front of his enterprise text in English that reduces the visual impact of the text in the French, when the text in French did conform to the first two requirements of provision 58. 

Furthermore, these regulation allow the OQLF to persecute enterprises for displaying words without making their French translations markedly predominant. In a recent case, Massimo Lecas--owner of the Italian restaurant Buonanotte--was instructed to translate his menu because it contained "too much Italian" (Is 'pasta').  The menu contained the words "botiglia, pasta, and antipasto" without a markedly predominant French translation (Is 'pasta'). In another case, Toby Lyle--owner of Brit & Chips, a fish and chips restaurant--was instructed by the OQLF to make a number of alterations, which included adding "the word 'restaurant' predominantly" above the entrance of his enterprise, changing "the signs on the washrooms" and reducing "the size of the English lettering" on a take-out sign (Is 'pasta'). While Lyle agreed to conform to these demands, he refused both to change the name of the "restaurant's main dish to "poisson frit et frites" and to remove the advertisement "'fish and chips' from the window," as he believed that making such alterations would "push customers away" (Is 'pasta').

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The advertisement regulations of Bill 101 evidently oppress the English language by imposing regulation on English enterprises and, furthermore, discourage new English businesses from investing in Quebec. These regulations allow English businesses--and businesses of other languages--to be persecuted for the smallest discrepancies in their advertisements. Moreover, the interpretation of the criteria 'having the effect of reducing the visual impact' remains open, entailing that whether advertisements violate the Bill's regulations depend upon the discretion of OQLF investigators--and possibly their mood. On the other hand, these regulations discourage new English businesses from investing in Quebec as doing so entails that their advertisement costs necessarily double and that they are open to scrutiny from OQLF investigators. Furthermore, these regulations discredit the position of the French in Quebec insofar as they come to appear as oppressing nationalists. While some level of nationalism is required to preserve the French language in Quebec, that level of nationalism does not require oppression; if advertisement regulations required the French language to appear equally predominant as the other language being displayed, then that position would not only be attainable, but acceptable and accepted by the province at large.
 

Bill 101: Francization of Enterprises
While the regulations on advertisement dramatically increase the cost of advertising, the regulations concerning the francization of enterprises overwhelm medium sized English businesses. The fifth chapter--Francization of Enterprises--of the second title--Linguistic Officialization, Toponymy and Francization--is concerned with the measures that enterprises in Quebec must satisfy if they wish to obtain "a francization certificate" from the Office Québécois de la Langue Française (Bill 101).

In order for an enterprise "employing 100 or more persons" to obtain a francization certificate, according to provision 136, the enterprise must establish "a francization committee composed of six or more persons" whose task it is to "devise a francization program and supervise its implementation" (Bill 101). The purpose of the francization program, according to provision 141, is to "generalize the use of French at all levels of the enterprise" and to ensure that the Charter's condition regarding the use of the French language have been satisfied (Bill 101). According to the Charter, an enterprise must achieve the following objectives through a francization program in order for a certificate of francization to be issued; the enterprise must

• (1) hire management that has "knowledge of the official language";
• (2) increase "the number of persons having a good knowledge of the French language" at each level of the enterprise;
• (3) establish "French as the language of work and (...) internal communications";
• (4) employ "French in the working documents of the enterprise";
• (5) impose "the use of French in communications with the civil administration, clients, suppliers, the public and shareholders"
• (6) insist on "the use of French terminology",
• (7) require "the use of French in public signs and posters and commercial advertising"
• (8) develop "appropriate policies for hiring, promotion and transfer"
• (9) and it must promote "the use of French in information technologies"
                                                                                                                               (Bill 101).

 In order for an enterprise employing "50 persons or more for a period of six months" to get a certificate of francization, the enterprise must first obtain "a certificate of registration," as stipulated by provision 139 (Bill 101). To obtain a certificate of registration, the enterprise must provide the OQLF with "the number of persons it employs (...) with general information on its legal status and its functional structure and on the nature of its activities" (Bill 101). Having provided the OQLF with the required information, within six months, the enterprise will receive a certificate of registration and, within six months of its reception, will have to transmit to the OQLF "an analysis of its linguistic situation" (Bill 101).

If the OQLF finds in the enterprise's analysis that the use of French is sufficiently generalized at each level of its operation, according to provision 140, it will issue the enterprise a certificate of francization (Bill 101). However, if the OQLF finds that the use of French is not sufficiently generalized, then it will direct the enterprise to develop and "adopt a francization program," which must be submitted to, and subsequently approved by, the OQLF (Bill 101). Furthermore, the OQLF may "order the establishment of a francization committee of four to six members" (Bill 101).

In relation to enterprises employing 50 to 100 persons or more, once the OLQF approves the francization program, it issues the enterprise "an attestation of implementation" (Bill 101). However, according to provision 143, the enterprise will be required to submit a report to the OQLF on the program's implementation "every 12 months in the case of an enterprise employing 100 or more persons" and "every 24 months in the case of an enterprise employing fewer than 100 persons" (Bill 101). Once it is satisfied with the implementation of the francization program, according to provision 145, the OQLF will issue the enterprise a certificate of francization (Bill 101). Having recieved the francization certificate, provision 146 stipulates that the enterprise is required to continue ensuring "that the use of French remains generalized" (Bill 101). If the enterprise fails to uphold the obligations imposed by the Charter, however, the OQLF maintinas the authority to refuse, suspend or cancel either the attestation of implementation or certificate of francization, according to provision 147 (Bill 101). 

Finally, according to provision 151 of the Charter, a business "employing less than 50 persons," upon the decision of the OQLF, may be required to "analyze its language situation and to prepare and implement a francization program" (Bill 101). At which point, that enterprise would be required to satisfy the objectives of a francization program, obtain a certificate of registration and attestation of implementation, and a certificate of francization (Bill 101). 

The regulation on advertisement and the francization of enterprises clearly promote the French language, but do these provisions do so "in a spirit of fairness and open-mindedness, respectful of the institutions of the English-speaking community of Quebec"? (Bill 101). I think not. The Charter may be a charter concerned only with the French language, but that does not entail that it needs to oppress the language of the minority in this province.  Yes, French is the official language of Quebec, but the English language has also been present in Quebec since time immemorial, as the road to Bill 101 indicates. Yes, French should be on each and every advertisement, but not in the manner required by the Charter; there is no need to make the French language appear markedly predominant, as its presence can be ensured by legislating that it be of equal predominance.

On the other hand, the measures concerned with the francization of enterprises are evidently directed at oppressing the English language through the imposition of regulations on English businesses in Quebec. The francization measures oppress the English language by imposing French as the language of operation on all enterprises and by making the attainment of a certificate of registration, an attestation of implementation and a certificate of francization necessary requirements to operate in Quebec. In addition, these measures oppress the English language by requiring that enterprises recurrently establish that they continue to satisfy the provision articulated in the Charter. Furthermore, these measures place an unnecessary burden on English businesses insofar as their success is dependent upon being able to communicate with their clientele in a province with a French majority.

Finally, the francization measures discourage new English enterprises from investing in Quebec insofar as its neighbouring province has more agreeable regulations and substantially less taxation. In essence, Bill 101 was not developed "in a spirit of fairness and open-mindedness, respectful of the institutions of the English-speaking community of Quebec," but in a spirit of oppression towards the English language and English businesses (Bill 101).

Works Cited

Belanger, Claude. The Language Laws of Quebec. 23rd August 2000. 17th March 2013 <http://faculty.marianopolis.edu/c.belanger/quebechistory/readings/langlaws.htm>.

Bill 101: Charter of the French Language. 1st April 2013. 17th March 2013 <http://www2.publicationsduquebec.gouv.qc.ca/dynamicSearch/telecharge.php?type=2&file=/C_11/C11_A.html>.

"Is 'pasta' French enough for Quebec?" 20th February 2013. CBC News. 14th April 2013 <http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/montreal/story/2013/02/20/montreal-language-pasta-translation.html>.

Regulation defining the scope of the expression "markedly predominant" for the purposes of the Charter of the French language. 1st November 2012. 28 November 2012 <http://www2.publicationsduquebec.gouv.qc.ca/dynamicSearch/telecharge.php?type=3&file=/C_11/C11R11_A.HTM>.

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On March 18^th, 2011, Raymond Bachand, Quebec's Minister of Finance, announced that Quebec intended to raise post-secondary tuition fees in September of 2012. Quebec's intention was to increase "tuition by $325" per year over a period of five years (Canadian Press). The total increase would "amount to an additional $1,625," an increase of nearly 75 percent, boosting annual tuition in Quebec "to $3,793 in 2017" (Canadian Press; Tuition hike).

Considering that tuition rates in Quebec have essentially remained unchanged over the past 40 years, the proposed increase in tuition is not extensive (Quebec students). The average annual tuition rate in Canada is $5,600 and, even after the proposed increase, Quebec would remain the province with the lowest annual tuition rate in the country (Tuition hike). Furthermore, Quebec taxpayers assume the larger part of tuition, as student pay "only 17 per cent of the total cost" of their post-secondary education (Massive student).

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Despite these facts, according to some students in Quebec, the proposed increase in tuition would "limit access to higher education" and "result in crippling debt levels" (Tuition hike). Accordingly, these students boycotted educational institutions and protested in the streets; they disturbed classes, damaged property, disrupted society and disregarded injunctions. In response to the student protest, the provincial government of Quebec resorted to emergency legislation and assented to Bill 78, which has been declared by some as overly harsh and evidently unconstitutional.

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Student Activity in Montreal

Five months after Quebec's announcement, in August 2011, students formally began campaigning against the proposed increase in tuition, but it wasn't until November that students truly became active (Canadian Press). On November 10^th 2011, over "20,000 students marched" to the Montreal office of Premier Jean Charest, but the march was only a small "part of a larger two-day strike being staged by an estimated 200,000 students across the province" (Quebec students). While the day's protests were largely peaceful, early in the morning, a group of students "blocked entrances at Dawson College in downtown Montreal," forcing Dawson to cancel its classes for the day (Quebec students). The activity at Dawson College crossed a line by preventing other student from attending classes; however, the activity that followed in February, March, April and May of 2012 went far beyond civil protest.

Student Activity: February

Three months after the incident at Dawson College, on February 13^th 2012, the student protest became official with the first student associations "voting in favour of a walkout" (Canadian Press). However, some students felt that boycotting educational institutions wasn't going far enough so, on February 17^th, these students "vandalized the Cégep Vieux-Montréal" (37 arrested). The assailants "entered the building, overturned furniture and set off fire extinguishers" before being arrested (37 arrested).

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Subsequently, on February 23^rd 2012, student protesters occupied the Jacques Cartier Bridge in Montreal, one of the few arteries leading to the South Shore (Canadian Press; Montreal bridge). After directing the protestors to leave the bridge, a direction which the students failed to heed, the police used pepper spray to disperse the "thousands of student protesters who had shut down the structure for about 20 minutes (...) at the peak of rush hour" (Montreal bridge). These acts of disobedience, which marked the beginning of several months of unrest, had gone beyond civil protest to become social disruption and the students only became more aggressive in the months that followed.

Student Activity: March

On March 20^th 2012, student protestors "blocked access to the Champlain Bridge" for approximately one hour, seriously delaying traffic onto the island from its South Shore (Students protesters). In response, the police rushed to the scene, loaded the protestors into two buses, escorted them "to a police station in Candiac, Quebec," and fined each protester "close to $500" for violating a provision of the Highway Safety Act (Students protesters). Something interesting to note is that the fine incurred for this act of disruption ($500) was greater than the proposed increase for the following year ($325).

Two days later, on March 22^nd 2012, the students organized a "massive, peaceful protest" in which "more than 100,000" students demonstrated (Canadian Press). The demonstration is said to have been over a kilometer in length. Moreover, on the day of the protest, the student group referred to as C.L.A.S.S.E (Coalition large de l'Association pour une solidarité syndicale) "posted on its Twitter page" that subsequent student action would intentionally "disrupt the economy," if the government didn't retract the proposed increase in tuition (Massive student). To make good on that promise, on March 27^th 2012, student protestors blocked access to the Liquor Board offices of Quebec (Canadian Press).

Image Source: Flicker--Flavie H.

Student Activity: April

Having disturbed classes, agitated society and disrupted the economy, the students became desperate because their tactics were failing--Quebec's government refused to budge on the proposed increase; accordingly, the students decided to take their protest one step further, beyond disruption into the realm of criminal activity.

On April 16^th 2012, student protesters threw "bags of bricks" on to the tracks of three metro lines and "pulled the emergency brakes at five different stations," seriously delaying metro services and overwhelming public transit (Montreal mayor).

During the night of April 16^th, student protesters vandalized the "offices of four Quebec cabinet ministers" (Canadian Press). The protesters "left windows damaged and buildings defaced" (Charest calls). Police found bottles, which they believed "to be incendiary devices," on the inside of smashed windows; however, none of the devices ignited and no injuries were reported (Charest calls). By the end of April, the police contend that there had been approximately "160 protest over 72 days" in Montreal alone (Canadian Press).

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In an attempt to resolve the protest, on April 27^th 2012, Quebec's provincial government offered students a revised proposal. The revised proposal offered a "slightly slower phase-in period" for the proposed increase in tuition and "more generous loans and bursaries" (Canadian Press). In addition, the revised proposal offered to index future increases in tuition to inflation (Canadian Press). While the protesting students conceded that the offer was reasonable, they argued that it ultimately wouldn't "save students money" (Quebec offers).

Student Activity: May

Having rejected Quebec's revised proposal, the protesting students continued with their criminal tactics. On May 10^th 2012, student protesters paralyzed Montreal's metro system with "a series of smoke bombs," sending Montreal's public transit services "into chaos at the peak of rush hour" (Montreal mayor). According to police, "three smoke bombs were detonated on three metro lines" causing "a total shutdown" of the metro system (Montreal mayor). The affected stations were evacuated, thousands were stranded and the metro was jam-packed for many hours after reopening (Montreal mayor).

The final event leading to the emergency legislation occurred on May 16^th, 2012, at "the University of Quebec in Montreal (UQAM)" (Masked student). Students at UQAM were issued "a court injunction" so that they could resume classes, but "hundreds of protesters" stormed UQAM's downtown buildings on the day classes were set to resume (Masked student). The protesters, "carrying a list of scheduled classes," invaded UQAM's buildings, "blowing whistles and banging on drums" as they searched for active classes (Masked student).

Image Source: Flicker--Alexandre Guédon 

While the student demonstrations in April and May were greater than I have described, I have only outlined the most disruptive and criminal of their demonstrations in an effort to illustrate the activities legitimizing the harshness of Bill 78. Conversely, while some of the incidents in April and May cannot be definitively attributed to student protesters, the attacks ceased when the proposed increase in tuition was retracted, which only occurred after a provincial election that replaced the standing government.

Bill 78

In response to the social disruption and criminal activity of the protesting students, on May 18^th 2012, Quebec's provincial government resorted to emergency legislation and, in a 68-48 vote, Quebec's National Assembly assented to Bill 78-- An Act to enable students to receive instruction from the post secondary institutions they attend (Quebec adopts; Bill 78). As its explanatory notes indicate, Bill 78 had three principal objectives: to suspended the academic terms of institutions with interrupted classes; to ensure "the continuity of instructional services" for institutions without interrupted classes; and to establish "provision to maintain peace, order and public security" (Bill 78 p2). Furthermore, Bill 78 instituted "penal measures to ensure enforcement of law" if any of its provisions were violated (Bill 78 p2). Once Bill 78 was passed, it suspended the semesters of "11 universities and 14 CEGEPs across Quebec"; it imposed "steep fines for anyone who tried blocking access to a school"; and it established "strict regulations governing demonstrations" (Emergency Quebec; Quebec adopts).

Bill 78: Division II

Of its 37 measures, the second division--Continuity of Instructional Services--contained 14 provisions; evidently, as its name indicates, this was the Bill's primary objective. This division addressed the suspension of academic terms, the continuity of instructional services and the right of access to an education.

The second provision of Bill 78 suspended the "2012 winter term and, in universities, the 2012 summer term" for institutions with classes that remained "interrupted on 18 May 2012" (Bill 78 p4). Disregarding the few exceptions, furthermore, this provision contended that institutions with suspended semesters must resume classes "not later than 7:00 a.m. on 17 August 2012" (Bill 78 p4). The third provision declared that every educational institution, including those individuals under its service, "must employ appropriate means to ensure" the continuity of instructional services, with the obligation imposed by this provision applying to "the applicable resumption date" of the suspended classes and "as of 7:00 a.m. on 19 May 2012" in each other case (Bill 78 p4).

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The tenth provision of Bill 78 decreed that all employees of educational institutions "must, as of 7:00 a.m. on 19 May 2012, report for work according to their normal work schedule," while the eleventh provision added that such employees must "perform all duties attached to their respective functions (...) without any stoppage, slowdown, reduction or degradation of their normal activities" (Bill 78 p6). In other words, these provision obliged educational instructors of institutions without suspended semesters to resume their classes without delay and without a reduction in pace. However, according to provision twelve, provisions ten and eleven did "not prevent an association of employees from declaring a strike in accordance with the Labour Code," but did prevent such individuals from being involved in or organizing any activity that violated provisions ten or eleven (Bill 78 p6).

Provision 13 declared that "no one may, by an act or omission, deny students their right to receive instruction from the institution they attend or prevent or impede the resumption or maintenance of an institution's instructional services or the performance by employees of work related to such services, or directly or indirectly contribute to slowing down, degrading or delaying the resumption or maintenance of such services or the performance of such work" (Bill 78 p6). In English, as opposed to legalese, this provision entailed that, by an action or lack of an action, it was illegal; first, to deny a student access to an education; second, to prevent instruction from being provided or resumed; and third, to delay or slow down the resumption of educational services. 

Finally, provision 14 decreed that "no one may, by an act or omission, deny a person access to a place if the person has the right or a duty to be there in order to obtain services from or perform functions for an institution" and, furthermore, that "any form of gathering that could result in denying such access is prohibited inside any building where instructional services are delivered by an institution, on the grounds of such a building or within 50 meters from the outer limits of such grounds" (Bill 78 p6). This entails that protestors could not prevent students or school officials from entering educational institutions and, furthermore, that demonstrations could not take place within 50 meters of school grounds; thus, demonstrations such as the ones that took place at Dawson College on November 10^th 2011, and at UQAM on May 16^th 2012, among other events, were declared illegal by this provision. 

Bill 78: Division III & V

The third division of Bill 78--Provisions to Maintain Peace, Order and Public Security--was concerned with demonstrations in particular and has been criticized for infringing on the constitutional right of free association (Bill 78 p7). Provision 16 decreed that "the organizer of a demonstration involving 50 people or more to take place in a venue accessible to the public must, not less than eight hours before the beginning of the demonstration, provide the following information in writing to the police force serving the territory where the demonstration is to take place: (1) the date, time, duration and venue of the demonstration as well as its route, if applicable; and (2) the means of transportation to be used for those purposes" (Bill78 p7). Furthermore, according to this provision, if the police believed that "the planned venue or route" posed "serious risk for public security," then the police could, "before the demonstration, require a change of venue or route as to maintain peace, order and public security" (Bill78 p7). If the police came to have this belief, then the organizer of the demonstration was obligated to "submit the new venue or route to the police force within the agreed time limit and inform the participants" (Bill78  p7).  A caveat, Los Angeles requires "far more than eight hours' notice--up to 40 days (...) in order to hold a protest," which makes this provision of Bill 78 appear relatively tame (Massive Montreal). In response to this provision, the protesting students submitted the following as a planned route for a demonstration. 

Image source--businessinsider.com

The fifth division--Penal Provisions--was concerned with the imposition of fines for those found to have violated a provision of this Bill and it has been criticized for being overly harsh. According to provision 26, an individual who violated any of the provisions mentioned in this article was "liable, for each day or part of a day (...), to a fine of $1,000 to $5000" (Bill 78 p9). However, the fine increased to "$7,000 to $35,000" if the violation was committed "by (...) a representative (...) of a student association (...) or by a natural person who is the organizer of a demonstration" and it increased to "$25,000 to $125,000" if the violation was committed "by a student association (...) or a group that is the organizer of a demonstration" (Bill 78 p9). Furthermore, these fines "doubled for a second or subsequent offence" (Bill 78 p9).

Interview:

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Some individuals contended that Bill 78 was unnecessarily harsh and, moreover, in violation of constitutional rights. These individuals asserted that the restriction preventing protestors from demonstrating within 50 meters of school grounds in addition to the requirement of prior notice for demonstrations involving more than 50 people violated the constitutional freedom of association. Furthermore, they contended that the steep fines imposed on the Bill's violators were overly harsh. In light of the disruption, disregard and destruction caused by the students, however, can this truly be said to be the case? I took this question to a citizen of Quebec who has two children, both of whom are students, and who once practiced law; this is what she had to say: 

Question: 
What qualifies you to be an authority on Bill 78?

Anonymous: 
I am a mother of two children whom both attended Canadian Universities in different provinces. My son is currently studying at Concordia University's John Molson School of Business in Montreal and my daughter has recently finished her degree at Saint Francis Xavier's University in Nova Scotia. I have helped my kids pay for their tuition and the difference in cost is unbelievable; it is nearly twice the cost to attend University outside Quebec. On the other hand, I once practiced law, although it has been many years since I've practiced and my practice was brief. Despite my legal training being moderately out-of-date, I retain a relatively good understanding of the law. Finally, I am a Quebec citizen who experienced the civil unrest that resulted from the proposed tuition hike. I believe that these three facts qualify me to discuss Bill 78, although I am not sure whether they qualify me to be an authority on the issue.

Question: 
When Bill 78 was passed on May 18th, 2012, the semesters of many educational intuitions with protesting students were suspended by the second provision of the Bill; should Quebec's provincial government have the authority to suspend the semester of these institutions?

Anonymous: 
I would like respond to this question in two parts; first, I would like to address your question--whether the government should have the authority to suspend the semesters; and second, I would like to address the question whether or not they should have suspended the semesters.

I think that--yes--the government should have the authority to suspend the semesters of public schools because they are funded by taxpayers' dollars. If the schools that had their semesters suspended were private institutions, then I would argue that--no--the government should not have that authority; but because the government sustains the schools that had their semesters suspended it does have that authority. On the other hand, it's not like the schools that had their semesters suspended could have continued operating if they wanted to; there were too many disruptions, with students interrupting classes and protesting. The protesting students even continued interrupting classes after Quebec courts issued injunctions, which should have allowed classes to resume. In many cases, the conditions made it impossible for teachers to continue teaching even if they wanted to.

Ok, now for part two--whether the government should have suspended the semesters of schools with protesting students. It is my opinion that the government should not have suspended the semesters, but should have cancelled the semesters. The students were not on strike, they had no obligation to attend school; they were simply protesting and they chose to protest; they voted to walk out of classes. No one forced the students to walk out and it is likely that teachers would have accommodated protesting students who wished to complete their semester, allowing them to hand in their assignments without going to class, but the protesting students were too focused on disrupting society and the economy to care about their education. It is as if the students were looking for an excuse to skip school, no matter how absurd that excuse was, and that's exactly what this protest was, an excuse to skip school, because the proposed hike in tuition was reasonable. Tuition in Quebec has been frozen for many years, as the tuition rates in the other provinces have increased, and today Quebec has the lowest tuition rate in Canada, a tuition rate that is substantially lower than each of the other provinces. The cost of my son's tuition here in Quebec is half of what my daughter paid in Nova Scotia. The condition and quality of a school is directly related to its funding; no tuition means no funding and no funding means decrepit conditions and low quality education. The protestors were behaving irrationally; it's a privilege to go to school and that privilege should have been suspended, not the semesters, but only for the students that chose to protest and only after their actions became destructive. Some may ask how the government was supposed to apply this idea; simple, alter the provisions that suspended the semesters and provided for a resumption date and alter them to measures that provided the students with an option: continue protesting and lose the semester, or return to school and complete the semester. Had the government chosen to take that path, although it may seem unreasonable to most, I am sure the students would have stopped protesting much earlier, saving the city much money and its people much aggravation.

Question: 
You asserted that the protesting students should have lost their semester; do you think they should have been credited for their loss?

Anonymous: 
No, they deserved to lose every penny; protesting was a choice and look at the cost the city incurred because of their demonstration. Only a portion of Quebec's student body chose to protest and the protesting students not only chose to protest, but they infringed upon the rights of the non-protesting students. The rest of the students, the one that chose not to boycott classes, were treated as if they didn't have the right to an education, an education which they paid for. It wasn't fair! The protesting students deserved to lose their semester, if not for any other reason, because they cost the dedicated students, the ones who didn't protest, their semesters. Even after dedicated students were given an injunction from Quebec courts to resume classes, the protesting students disregarded the court orders and continued preventing classes from resuming. The protesting students blatantly disregarded the law and they more-or-less got away with it.

On the other hand, the proposed increase in tuition was reasonable; the students in this province don't even pay one-quarter of the cost of their education, and they want to pay less. Without tuition fees, how are schools supposed to maintain their operations and facilities. If the students want cheaper education, then they are going to have to convince the rest of society to fund the educational system, which means substantially higher taxes for everyone in a province that is already heavily taxed. An alternative would be to tax those enrolled in academic institution substantially more, but then we arrive at the same problem; the students would complain that their education would result in substantial debt. The students weren't really thinking about what they were fighting for, it's simple economics; they were caught up in the mob's mentality. On top of that, look at how much they cost the city of Montreal in damages, in delays and in disruptions, without even considering how much the city spent on maintaining the police presence to ensure public security. The students weren't being civil; their protest weren't civil and their actions weren't civil; and even if the most sever incidents weren't the students, because they weren't willing to speak out against the criminal activity, they themselves discredited their movement. 

Question:  
According to the tenth provision of Bill 78, teachers were obliged to resume teaching classes on the day following the legislation of Bill 78 for institutions without suspended semesters; do you think that the government should have had the authority to oblige teachers to continue teaching under the circumstances?

Anonymous: 
Just like the schools are funded by the government, teachers are paid by the government; if the teachers were working at private schools, then I would say no, but because they work in public schools and are paid by the taxpayers' dollars, I believe that the government should, as it did, have the authority to oblige teachers to return to teaching. And there was a provision that allowed teachers to go on strike if they so desired. Given the conditions were a bit shaky, with protesting students invading schools, but like I said before, someone has to consider the students that weren't protesting, and that's what this provision was doing. I also think that the provision that mentioned that teachers had to continue without slowing down their schedule was a reasonable provision, because it meant that students that were skipping class, to protest or otherwise, would suffer the consequence of their decision; although, I think that this provision would have made more sense had the government not suspended the semesters, but cancelled them. The protesting students got away with murder, metaphorically speaking. They infringed upon the rights of the non-protesting students, had their semesters suspended and got to finish them at no extra cost, while the non-protesting student who tried to go to class were forced to lose a part of their summer in order to finish their semesters, which they were forced to complete in a shorter amount of time than normally allotted. Sounds to me like the protestors won in the end.  Truly, what transpired only served to show the protesting students that they can do this again and again without consequence. 

Question: 
What do you think about the provision--provision 14--that restricted demonstrations to more than 50 meters beyond the limits of school grounds?

Anonymous: 
I think that the provision was legitimate. The demonstrations that took place around Quebec, like the one that happened at Dawson and UQAM, were disturbing the students that chose not to protest and disrupting schools that attempted to continue to provide instructional services. Blocking entrances to schools, disturbing classes, the students that didn't protest had the right to the education and their rights were being infringed upon by the protesting students. One persons' rights end where the next persons' rights begin; and the protesting students were not respecting the rights of the non-protesting students. On the other hand, school grounds are the government's property and the government has the right to protect its property. Many schools were damaged; look at what happened at the CEGEP of Old Montreal and in Gatineau, protesting students broke in and vandalized the schools, so now someone has to pay for the repairs and clearly it's not going to come out of the protesting student's pockets. If the students protested without damaging property--if they had handed out flyers instead of setting off fire extinguishers--then it is likely that this provision would not have been passed into legislation. Every provision in Bill 78 was legislated in direct response to some activity of the students; the protestors brought this Bill on themselves.

Question: 
Do you think that provision 14 was a limitation of the freedom of association?

Anonymous:  
Yes I do! But it wasn't an unreasonable limitation. The protesting students were using their freedom to associate to violate the rights of others. If you step on my shoes, you deserve to have your shoes stepped on too. This limitation on the freedom to associate was justified by the disruptive actions of the students. Protesting students stepped on the toes of other students so the government stepped on the toes of the protesting students. The problem is, the government didn't apply enough pressure; it passed the Bill into legislation but failed to impose it at every opportunity, and it should have. Had the Bill been applied as it was intended, much of the cost of the damages to the schools would have been paid for by the fines that the protesting students incurred, but the government used the Bill only in the most extreme cases, resorting to other legal provisions when possible. In my opinion, this was the government's biggest mistake, and it was an enormous mistake. Like I said before, had the Bill been applied as it was intended, then the protest might have ended earlier and much of the costs incurred by Montreal because of the protest could have been covered.

Question:
The third division of Bill 78--Provisions to Maintain Peace, Order, and Public Security--contended that, and I quote, "the organizer of a demonstration involving 50 people or more to take place in a venue accessible to the public must, not less than eight hours before the beginning of the demonstration, provide the following information in writing to the police force serving the territory where the demonstration is to take place: (1) the date, time, duration and venue of the demonstration as well as its route, if applicable; and (2) the means of transportation to be used for those purposes" (Bill 78 p7).

Do you believe that these restrictions were an unjustified limitation on the freedom of association?

Anonymous:
In normal times, this provision would be unjust because people have the right to demonstrate. The students had the right to demonstrate, but to demonstrate peacefully; in so much as you don't block the normal workings of the rest of the world, demonstrations can be an effective tool, but the students used them as a weapon instead and they overstepped their rights. Their marches disrupted the economy and their actions disrupted the public. In addition, these requirements would allow police forces to more easily supervise and direct the demonstrations. On top of that, the second requirement of this provision seem to have been legislated to facilitate demonstrations, in so much as the government appeared to be willing to complement public transit in order to transport the demonstrators to the events. On the other hand, look at how the students reacted to this provision; the students submitted a map of their intended route and it outlined a middle finger being raised on a single hand. Even after they submitted their route, they failed to stay on their proposed course; their map was intentionally drawn as a sign of disregard for the law and they intentionally left the proposed route to demonstrate their disobedience. It was becoming dangerous for the people who weren't involved in the protest; some individuals were even injured because they were caught between the police and protestors. By passing this provision into legislating, the government was protecting society, which is exactly what the laws are designed to do.

Image Source: Flicker-- the|G|™

While the opinions of celebrities and professional are valued, their publically provided opinions do not necessarily reflect their personal convictions insofar as their convictions, if revealed, may damage their social image or incite aggression. Celebrities must be vigilant in expressing their convictions, as that which they express is limited by the social consequence of their statements; their reputation is at stake. Similarly, professionals are constrained by the beliefs of their profession and could be persecuted for contradicting them; could you imagine a minister preaching atheism? That minister would likely be excommunicated. The publically provided opinions of celebrities and professionals, therefore, may not be entirely theirs--consisting partly of the publically accepted view--or may not be theirs in entirety--providing only a part of their conviction. Accordingly, I sought out a common individual to provide me with an uncensored account of a controversial law--Bill 78: An act to enable students to receive instruction from the postsecondary institution they attend. Furthermore, in an effort to gain true conviction and to avoid inciting aggression, I guaranteed the individual anonymity and so she shall be referred to as Anonymous. Anonymous is the ideal subject for the interview that will follow insofar as she worked her way through law school and struggled by herself to raise two children, each of whom attended a university in Canada.

Image Source: Flicker--pixelblume

As attractive as she stands, however, her son explained, Anonymous is best known for her "fiery attitude" and "kind heart". She has a fiery attitude insofar as she is as stubborn as a mule and "as argumentative as a lawyer," allowing an argument to end only once she's established her position. She will "cut you off without a second thought"; in some cases she won't even let her opponent speak; and "there is no being neutral with her, you must always pick a side". She is very opinionated and always has something to say, "especially when it comes to controversial issues," including the recent student protest in Quebec and the emergency legislation that followed.

While she is dreadfully fiery, Anonymous is also approachable if you wish to discuss a personal problem, and when discussing such problems she is both "a good listener and very perceptive," her son conceded. Unlike when having an argument with her, if you approach her to discuss a personal problem, Anonymous "sits quietly and listens to you attentively". Having heard the problem, she carefully analyses the situation and "often provides sound advices". However, if your problem is one that she believes you knowingly created for yourself, Anonymous often responds in a combination of English and French, asserting that you have acted foolishly.  

About Her Education:
Anonymous decided that she would like to practice law while pursuing a degree in Pure and Applied Science at Marianopolis College, one of her oldest friends explained. Upon completing her degree at Marianopolis, she applied to McGill University and, although her grades were sufficient, she was explicitly rejected because, at the age of seventeen, she was deemed "too young and inexperienced" for McGill. Being rejected by McGill was a defeating experience for Anonymous. Accordingly, she applied and was accepted to the biological chemistry program at Concordia University. Near the end of her degree at Concordia, her friend continued, Anonymous applied to the law program at University de Montréal and was hastily accepted, so she completed her BSC to pursue her childhood dream. Having graduated from University de Montréal, Anonymous completed Bar school and, subsequently, articled for six months. Articling is similar to taking a stage; thus, Anonymous worked in a law firm and performed many of the tasks required of a legal professional. She was then admitted to the bar in October of 1986 and continued practicing law for another six months. 

About her Perspective:
When she entered into the study of law, Anonymous was an idealist who believed that the object was to "dispense justice"; however, she asserted, "sadly, in practice justice is not always found in law". She liked the idea of practicing law because she believed that the practice was subjective; the outcome of a case would be determined by the case's particular facts, entailing that a judge could in similar cases make opposing decision because of minor distinctions. However, once she began practicing law, she found that the legal system suffered from many significant problems. The most significant of these problems being that the legal system was capitalistic; those with money had the power to manipulate legal outcomes, while those without capital were at the system's mercy. To quote something Anonymous said: "I don't think the law is accessible to everyone, engaging in any suit is a very costly endeavour and a very long drawn out endeavour, so most people either can't afford to hire a lawyer or wait the time it will take to actually see justice done." Anonymous, for these reasons and others, ceased practicing law. 

Image Source: Flicker--DonkeyHotey

About Her Today:
Having given up her profession, Anonymous took a trip to Venezuela, where she met and married the man who would father her two children. In Venezuela she became pregnant, but returned to Montreal to give birth to her son, a joyous event. She then returned to her husband in Venezuela, where she became pregnant for a second time. Before her daughter had a chance to be born, however, Anonymous again returned to Quebec, but this time she filed for a divorce and was left to raise her two children alone, leading to difficult times.

While her son is currently a student at Concordia's John Molson School of Business in Montreal, her daughter has recently completed a degree at St Francis Xavier University in Nova Scotia and is now working on a Masters degree at McGill University. Insofar as she has two children that attended university in distinct provinces, Anonymous is aware of the discrepancy in the cost of admissions between provinces. It is this awareness, in conjunction with her brief legal training, that makes Anonymous the ideal subject for the intended discussion--Bill 78--and, given the guarantee of anonymity, she has agreed to provide the uncensored view I seek.  

Image Source: Flicker--Parti Québécois

While she was campaigning for provincial government, as the head of Parti Québécois, Pauline Marois "promised to widen the scope of Bill 101 (...) with the aim of further protecting the French language" (PQ pitches). Marois is attempting to make good on that promise by promoting Bill 14--An Act to amend the Charter of the French language, the Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms and other legislative provisions. As the name suggests, the objective of Bill 14 is to modify both the Charter of the French Language and Quebec's Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms in a manner that is explicitly related to the promotion of the French language in Quebec.

Since its legislation, Bill 101--the Charter of the French Language--has been amended many times. Some of these amendments were the result of a provision of the Bill violating an article of either "the Constitution Act (1876) or, after 1982, the new Canadian Charter of Rights" (Bélanger). Other amendments were willingly made by the English and French in an effort to reconcile their positions (Bélanger). Bill 14, the amendment that is currently being proposed, however, is neither the effect of a violation nor the result of reconciliation; rather, it is a blatant attack on English businesses and communities by Pauline Marois and her Parti Québécois minority government.

Image Source: Flicker--Village Square

Attacking English Businesses
Many do perceive Bill 14 as an attack on English businesses in Quebec, but there remain some that contend the Bill is legitimate; Yosie Saint-Cyr happens to be one of those individuals. Saint-Cyr is "one of Canada's best-known and most-respected [Human Rights] Law authors" and is "the Managing Editor of the Human Resources and Compliance Collection from First Reference" (About Yosie).

In Amending the Charter of the French Language, the Charter of Rights and Freedoms and Other Laws, Saint-Cyr contends that many "of the proposed measures in Bill 14 are already in place or implicit, but are now being inserted or clarified into law" (Saint-Cyr).  However, this is not the case; the amendments are new restrictions on the use of the English language that further older regulations. The regulations of Bill 14 are nevertheless new measures. Moreover, if the measures of Bill 14 were already in place or implicit, then why would English businesses perceive them as an attack?

Some of the provisions of Bill 14 are concerned with the "francization of enterprises"; in other words, they are concerned with imposing French as the language of operation on businesses in Quebec (Bill 101). These particular provisions--provisions 37 to 46--complement provisions 135 to 156 of the Charter of the French Language (Bill 101; Bill 14). According to provision 151 of the Charter, the Office Québécois de la Langue Franҫaise "may (...) require an enterprise employing less than 50 persons to (...) implement a francization program" (Bill 101). Conversely, according to provision 45 of Bill 14--a replacement measure for provision 151 of the Charter--enterprises employing "between 26 and 49 persons (...) for more than six months during two consecutive years" are obliged to "implement francization measures" (Bill 14). Insofar as Bill 14's amendment to provision 151 of the Charter necessitates that enterprises employing less than 50 individuals must implement francization measures, this provisions is neither in place nor implicit, but the extension of established francization measures, an extension which tightens the noose around small and medium sized English enterprises.  

Another of these implicit measures, according to Saint-Cyr, is provision 19 of Bill 14, which modifies provision 46 of the Charter. In the chapter concerned with the language of labour relations, provision 46  stipulates that employers are prohibited from making "a specific level of knowledge of a language other than the official language"--the French language--a requirement for obtaining employment, "unless the nature of the duties requires such knowledge" (Bill 101). The catch; it is "incumbent upon the employer to prove" that the duties of the position require "knowledge of a language other than French" (Bill 101).  Adding provision 19 of Bill 14 to these regulations entails that businesses must "review such needs periodically" (Bill 14). This provision--without question--is the extension of an older regulation; the amended provision requires the periodic evaluation, as opposed to the singular establishment, of the linguistic needs relating to the position in question. This new measure is a burden placed upon English businesses in Quebec insofar as they must recurrently establish the need for English--the international language of business. Ridiculous!

I agree with Peter Hadekel's assessment of these particular amendments. In Peter Hadekel: New language law ignores business reality, Hadekel asserts that "the requirement that workers be bilingual is increasingly becoming the rule rather than the exception" only insofar as enterprises seek to expand their business beyond the borders of Quebec (Hadekel). As a columnist for the business section of The Gazette, Hadekel contends businesses in Quebec are making bilingualism a rule neither "to make a political statement" nor to act "out of disrespect for Quebec's linguistic majority," but to ensure that they can communicate with companies beyond Quebec's borders in  "the international language of business" (Hadekel). In essence, businesses that make bilingualism a rule are simply "recognizing the obvious," as they must "look outside Quebec, in a language other than French," if they wish to expand (Hadekel). Accordingly, Hadekel asserts, the amendments proposed by Bill 14 send the message: "if the shoe doesn't fit, wear it anyways" (Hadekel). I am inclined to agree.

Image Source: Flicker--ReemaAm

The francization measures and linguistic demands of Bill 14 blatantly attack English businesses by imposing strict regulations that dramatically increase the cost of operations. While conforming to these amendments will "be a mere formality" for some English businesses, many others will likely crumble under "the cost and bureaucracy" that their implementation involves (Hadekel). An impact study conducted by the government suggests that it will cost retail businesses in Quebec "$23 million more" each year to conform to the proposed amendments, which is an amount that enterprises do not "have in the highly competitive retail world" (Authier). The same study suggests that it "would cost businesses up to $900" to simply switch to French keyboards (Plante). Having fallen between conforming and crumbling, the remaining businesses will doubtlessly attempt to circumvent these regulations by either reducing their number of employees or moving across the border into Ontario (Hadekel). In either case, Quebec suffers from a loss of available jobs by passing these amendments into legislation. Moreover, these amendments seem unnecessary given that "96 per cent of retailers" on the island of Montreal "are able to serve clients in French" (Authier).

In addition to attacking English enterprises, the measures and demands of Bill 14 are generally detrimental for enterprises in Quebec. They promote the isolation of businesses in Quebec from the international community by restricting the use of the English language--the international language of business. More importantly, however, these amendments discourage new English businesses from investing in Quebec because of the high cost of conforming to these regulations. Some will argue that there are measures permitting the use of English for international and interprovincial businesses, but conforming to the francization measures and recurrently establishing that the English language is an occupational requirement will remain an exasperating hassle that requires the consumption of valued resources.

Image Source: Flicker--J. Stephen Conn

Degrading English Communities
While Saint-Cyr pays the most attention to the amendments concerning language in business, she quickly passes over two important elements of Bill 14 that would have a dramatic affect on Quebec society, which is surprising insofar as she is a respected human-rights law author. The first of these amendments and its disturbing nature is best described by Anthony Housefather--"a lawyer and the mayor of Cote-St-Luc," a district in Montreal (Housefather).

In Opinion: A shocking attack on the Anglophone community, Housefather proposes that the most disturbing measure of Bill 14 is the provision that allows the Office Québécois de la Langue Franҫaise "to strip a municipality or hospital of its bilingual status" (Housefather). In the chapter on The Language of Civil Administration in the Charter, provision 29 stipulates that the Office Québécois de la Langue Franҫaise will recognize as bilingual, first, municipalities in which "more than half the residences have English as their mother tongue"; and, second, "health and social service institutions" that provide "services to persons who, in the majority, speak a language other than French" (Bill 101).

By adding new measures to the chapter on The Language of Civil Administration, provision 12 of Bill 14 stipulates that every "10 years following the recognition of a municipal body [as bilingual] (...), the Office shall evaluate whether the conditions justifying the recognition have been maintained" (Bill 14). The evaluation will in each case be "based on the information relating to language in the most recent census" (Bill 14). Furthermore, provision 12 provides the Office with the authority to conduct "such an evaluation (...) in anticipation of or following a major restructuring of the body" (Bill 14).

Hence, this provision of Bill 14 requires a review to take place every 10 years to assess the percentage of "English mother-tongue residents" in a municipality; and if the review determines that a municipality has "less than 50 percent English mother-tongue residences," then that particular municipality loses its bilingual status (Housefather). The same applies for health and social service institutions, but in relation to their clientele. This entails that families which indicate any other language as their mother tongue on the census form, even if they primarily speak English at home, are not considered a "part of Quebec's English-speaking community" and do not count towards "the number needed to qualify for bilingual status" (Housefather).

Something interesting to note is that Quebec is "the only jurisdiction in the world where municipalities are prevented from being bilingual unless a majority in their population comes from the minority community" (Housefather).  In Finland, for example, a municipality is provided with bilingual status if at least "five percent of a municipality comes from the Swedish minority" (Housefather).

Under the new provisions of Bill 14, according to Housefather, a large number of municipalities in Montreal would not qualify for bilingual status, despite "more than two thirds of residences speaking English at home" (Housefather). While Housefather contends that this provision of Bill 14 is the most disturbing--and seeking a majority residency from a minority community is disturbing--I propose that there remains a provision that should be more feared.

The second amendment that Saint-Cry quickly passes over is an amendment that, according to her, would facilitate the integration of "newcomers to Quebec and speakers of French as a second language" (Saint-Cyr). This provision of Bill 14--provision 1--proposes to replace "the term 'the ethnic minorities' with 'cultural communities'" in the third paragraph of Quebec's Charter (Saint-Cyr). This slight alteration, however, results in a significant consequence best articulated by Pearl Eliadis--a law professor at McGill University and a human rights lawyer (Eliadis).

 In Opinion: Bill 14 chips away at English minority rights, Eliadis argues that Bill 14 fails to conform with human rights standards insofar as it employs "new and vague conceptual footings" (Eliadis). The term 'cultural communities' is an "undefined and highly problematic term" insofar as it does not have an "accepted international usage" and, furthermore, insofar as it does not "draw on human-rights principles" (Eliadis). To put it in Eliadis' words, "'cultural communities' have no rights. Minorities do" (Eliadis). While Eliadis contends that this amendment illustrates "the failure of the PQ Government to recognize (...) the realities and rights of English speakers as a historic minority community," I believe that Pauline Marois and the PQ government have not failed, but have intentionally disregarded the realities of Quebec in an effort to subjugate English to the French language (Eliadis).

Can Bill 14 be anything but an attack on English businesses and communities? Passing the francization measures into legislation is a bad decision that will only have worse consequences. Not only will they make it harder for English businesses to thrive in Quebec, their legislation will cause English businesses to reduce available jobs or reallocate jobs to provinces with more agreeable regulation. As opposed to providing incentives, these measures will discourage new English businesses for investing in Quebec because they regulate the use of the international language of business. On the other hand, allowing the government to remove a municipality's bilingual status if census numbers indicate that less than half of the municipality's residences define English as their mother tongue is certainly a disturbing attack, as that would require a majority residency from a minority population. Furthermore, the proposed conceptual alteration--changing the term ethnic minority to cultural community--can be nothing but an attack on English communities as well as other ethnic minorities, as the alteration would remove the protection provided to minorities in Quebec by international human-rights standards. By promoting Bill 14 and trying to fulfill her campaign promise, Pauline Marois and her Parti Québécois Government are attacking English businesses and communities, and it appears that this attack is intentional, so unless the English of Quebec demonstrate to Marois that we have rights too, she may just get away with this 

Image Source: Flicker--Dustin and Jenae

Works Cited:

About Yosie Saint-Cry. (n.d.). Retrieved March 17th, 2013, from Slaw: Canada's online legal magazine: http://www.slaw.ca/author/saintcyr/

Authier, P. (2013, March 27th). Retain Council of Canada presents dramatic testimony at Quebec's Bill 14 hearings. Retrieved Arpil 14th, 2013, from Global Montreal: http://globalnews.ca/news/434454/434454/

Bélanger, C. (2000, August 23rd). The Language Laws of Quebec. Retrieved March 17th, 2013, from http://faculty.marianopolis.edu/c.belanger/quebechistory/readings/langlaws.htm

Bill 101: Charter of the French Language. (2013, April 1st). Retrieved March 17th, 2013, from http://www2.publicationsduquebec.gouv.qc.ca/dynamicSearch/telecharge.php?type=2&file=/C_11/C11_A.html

Bill 14: An act to amend the Charter of the French Language, the Charter of human rights and freedoms and other legislative provisions. (2012, December 5th). Retrieved March 26, 2013, from Assemblée Nationale Québec: http://www.google.ca/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=bill%2014%20quebec&source=web&cd=1&cad=rja&ved=0CC8QFjAA&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.assnat.qc.ca%2FMedia%2FProcess.aspx%3FMediaId%3DANQ.Vigie.Bll.DocumentGenerique_68169en%26process%3DDefault%26token%3DZyMoxNwUn8ikQ%2BTRKYw

Eliadis, P. (2012, December 11th). Opinion: Bill 14 chips away at English minority rights. Retrieved March 17th, 2013, from http://www.montrealgazette.com/news/Opinion+Bill+chips+away+English+minority+rights/7676857/story.html

Hadekel, P. (2012, Decemner 6th). PeterHadekel: New language law ignores business reality. Retrieved March 17th, 2013, from http://www.montrealgazette.com/business/Peter+Hadekel+language+ignores+business+reality/7656788/story.html

Housefather, A. (2012, December 5th). Opinion: A shocking attack on the anglophone community. Retrieved March 17th, 2013, from http://www.montrealgazette.com/opinion/Opinion+Bill+shocking+attack+anglophone+community/7656789/story.html

Plante, Caroline. "Language minister wishes for calmer spirits." 10th April 2012. Global News. 14th April 2013 <http://globalnews.ca/news/470013/language-minister-wishes-for-calmer-spirits/>.

PQ pitches tighter language restrictions to boost French. (2012, December 5th). Retrieved March 17th, 2013, from CBC News: http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/montreal/story/2012/12/05/montreal-pq-language-bill.html

Saint-Cyr, Y. (2012, December 6th). Amending the Charter of the French Language, the Charter of rights and Freedoms and Other Laws. Retrieved March 17th, 2013, from http://www.slaw.ca/2012/12/06/amending-the-charter-of-the-french-language-the-charter-of-rights-and-freedoms-and-other-laws/

Effective, simple, and swift are three words that best describe our system (Gardner 2010)

A flattering description of the Sociéte de L'Assurance Automobile du Québec (SAAQ, 2002), the government agency that regulates Québec's no fault insurance system. Québec drivers insure their vehicles against theft and vandalism; however, the SAAQ compensates for personal injury and or lost wages.  All Québecois drivers contribute towards Québec's no fault insurance. We also have an option to purchase private car insurance in Montreal.

A portion of the contribution derives from drivers licence fees and a much larger portion comes from vehicular registration. Drivers do not have any choice in the matter, and willingly contribute. Unfortunately, drivers in Québec have a false sense of security that in the event of an accident, citizens won't have the burden of dealing with loss of wages. Indeed, the SAAQ compensates car accident victims; however, if the accident victim suffered injuries that prevent the victim from resuming his/her activities indefinitely, then the SAAQ arbitrarily cesses compensation.

While the SAAQ would have you believe that reckless drivers or drivers that cause criminal accidents should be penalized, such authorization would fuel an already dysfunctional system. Citizens must learn about the countless injustices faced at the hands of the SAAQ.

Many nations look to model Québec's no fault auto insurance system (Sugarman, 1998). The Society de l'Assurance automobile (SAAQ) much like the American Department of Motor Vehicles (DMV), legislates vehicle registration and issuing drivers licences. However, this agency regulates much more than vehicle registration. The agency stands for road safety and protection. As a matter of fact, anyone that access the website at www.saaq.gouv.qc.ca can learn that the SAAQ promotes prevention, enforcement and compensation. The agency actively informs and advertises various public service announcements (PSA) related to safe driving.

During peak times (for example holidays) the SAAQ increases the volume of PSA`s. The agency stresses managing road safety by offering SAAQ representatives to speak to teenagers before they apply for their drivers licences. The drivers' exam contains several situations of road safety and students understand the importance of road safety. However, for the citizens or drivers that fail to understand that road safety rules protect them, the SAAQ imposes sanctions or fines. The agency imposes fines as a way of enforcing road safety. Examples of reasons for motorists receiving fines: not wearing their seat belts, failing to drive with winter tires between December 15 and April 15, talking on the phone while driving or impaired driving. On the other hand, drivers injured in car accidents can expect compensation. The SAAQ covers both treatment and compensation of lost wages. Although the Régie de l'Assurance Maladie du Québec (RAMQ) covers health care and the Commission de la Santé Securité compensates loss of wages of work related accidents. The SAAQ ensures that drivers injured in car accidents receive both treatment and compensation (Desrosier, 2010). The Québecois assume that victims receive prompt compensation. In fact, even motorists that do not reside in Québec receive care if injured in a road accident in Québec.

 '' Individuals who are not Québec residents but are injured in an automobile accident while in Québec may also recover in Québec's Automobile Insurance Act, but only to the extent that they are ''not responsible for the accident'' RSQ 1995 chA-25, Automobile insurance Act $9 (Myers vs. Langlois, 1998).

The SAAQ will arbitrarily deny causal relationship between injuries and accidents. In 1998, the Québec ombudsman reported that even though a victim submitted x-rays and other doctor notes confirming his injuries the SAAQ denied him compensation (Ombudsman, 2002).  Even though the man provided all the appropriate forms, the SAAQ determined that although injured, the accident did not cause the mans' state (Ombudsman, 2002). Frequently victims face this very paradox. The agency recognized that the victim had an injury; however, the SAAQ employs a cleverly designed tactic that victims frequently face. Even though the SAAQ recognizes that the victims suffer from injuries, the SAAQ argues profusely against linking the injuries to the accident.

Québec provides citizens with a health plan and the ramification to victims rarely surface because frequently victims accept the SAAQ`s decision. The victims can receive fair treatment (I use this word very liberally) only by suing the SAAQ. Victims injured frequently face living in pain. Moreover, incapable of regaining full recovery often victims opt to change jobs because of the unbearable pain that resuming prior duties bring. In the long run, however, injuries persist and the victims must look to private care or public health care system for treatment, unfortunately the issue of loss of wages seems to vanish.

Sara Gooderham warns of the SAAQ chronic denial of accident claims (Gooderham, 1998). Gooderham, a financial adviser, writes extensively on this topic. Gooderman's input comes free from any bias as the report aims at educating citizens to invest and build wealth because financial security is not necessarily guaranteed. Although, the underlined assumption points towards compensation, an unfavourable decision can cause an accident victim tremendous financial strain due to lost wages. Other factors contribute to this strain, such including medical bills.

Even though Québec has a public health plan some services such as physio therapy, MRI`s, and certain types of prescription medication remain services that the system excludes. Only welfare recipients can obtain services and medication at minimal coat. All other citizens either contribute towards a health plan at work that includes these treatments or must pay for treatment themselves. The financial strain also includes the patients' possible need for assistance. Some accident victims need first hand assistance or hold primary caregiver roles. Injuries that affect an accident victims' physical ability also affect the person or people he/she cares for. 

To alleviate the burden, victims need assistance, which they must pay for themselves. Gooderham reminds citizens of this possibility and stresses the importance of saving for this. Forget about saving for the proverbial vacation of a lifetime. Wise consumers must ensure that an accident doesn't financially drain them. In fact, Gooderham reports that 12% of accident victims contest the SAAQ`s decision (Gooderham, 2002). This number suggests that the SAAQ arbitrarily refuses to recognize accident victims as accident victims. Although 12% contest the decision, the percentage of victims that accept an unfavourable decision remains unknown. Many victims accept the unfair decision and painfully go about their lives as best they can (Gooderham, 2002).

Based on the ombudsman study the SAAQ can decide to stop reimbursing victims. Left to their own devices victims may opt to sue the SAAQ. However, this requires patience and a lot of money that victims fear may be in vain (Ombudsman, 2002).  The accident victim carries the burden of proving that his/her injury from the accident, on the other side, the SAAQ can arbitrarily claim otherwise. For a civilian going against ''big brother'' (a government agency) can seem daunting, overwhelming, even impossible and therefore reluctantly accept the decision. Others, with courage to forge ahead and contest a decision do so because they sustained a noticeable disability such as a loss of a limb or an eye. In other words, only victims with extremely solid cases attempt to fight the SAAQ (Gardner, 2003).

The SAAQ has complete power over the fate of accident victims. Even though the SAAQ`s ministerial mandate supposedly ensures that all accident victims receive compensation and lost wages, the SAAQ frequently renders decisions that cause accident victims wondering about the logic behind the decision. An example that clearly supports this claim: Jeanette Holman Price. In a ``potentially precedent- setting decision'' Price, too falls into the category of accident victim. Price, whose daughter was killed by a snow removal truck sued the SAAQ for not recognizing her as an accident victim (Van Vlaaridigen, 2010). Although, Price received a lump sum payment, it paled in comparison to that of the drivers' compensation. The driver of the snow removal truck received compensation for lost wages, as well as, therapy to help get over the emotional trauma. However, Prices son received no such payment, even though he suffers many injuries as a result of the accident (Van Vlaaridigen, 2010). Price too, decided to sue because the SAAQ refused to recognize her as an accident victim. Moreover, Price suffered from post traumatic stress disorder and a judge recognized her as a victim (Van Vlaardingen, 2010). Twice the SAAQ lost. However, the SAAQ still refuses to respect the judgement. Even if the SAAQ decides to respect the judgement, Price should expect reimbursement for lost wages and fees that the accident caused her. The sheer logic is questionable, Price arrived onto the accident scene as police men drew lines around her lifeless daughters' body and as she lived the horror her son entered an ambulance on a stretcher (Van Vlaaridigen, 2002). Yet, the SAAQ adamantly defended the position that negated Price as a victim. In addition, the SAAQ refused to compensate her or respect the judgement.

It is not uncommon for the SAAQ to want to hold onto an idea with tremendous conviction, doing so at the victims' expense. A review of SAAQ practices revealed that the SAAQ can arbitrarily revoke a decision and withhold compensation to victims. Suing the SAAQ in provincial court becomes the victims' only option. Only those victims that cling to the hope of a moral victory endure the agonizingly long process. Moral victory because winning a case against the SAAQ in no certain terms guarantees payment. The SAAQ delays payment, appeals decision and basically acts like a bully with public funds. T

he ombudsman report reveals such blatant refusal to compensate, along with failure to remedy their actions despite receiving judgments and sanctions to correct the situations. Legally without new evidence the SAAQ can't modify a decision (Ombudsman, 2002).  Unfortunately, this unlawful denial of causal relationship between victims' injuries and car accidents continues to hold common practice. Unless victims sustain the misfortune of suffering life threatening injuries, the SAAQ, denies prolonged disability. To look at their tactics one would suspect that the SAAQ focuses on denying the victims claims or at the very least prolongs delays for compensation. Another example features a woman, an accident victim in 1994. By 2002, the woman submitted a report claiming that injuries sustained in the accident worsened and that she could no longer resume her previous duties (Ombudsman, 2002). In 2003 the SAAQ called on the expert advice of an orthopaedic surgeon. After evaluating the victim the doctor concluded that the woman's condition would not diminish nor would it improve (Ombudsman, 2002). In other words the woman would never fully heal, but, the condition would not worsen. Upon receiving this report the SAAQ decided to stop reimbursing her treatments, treatments that alleviated her pain (Ombudsman, 2002). The woman filled a complaint with the ombudsman and won.

Moreover, the SAAQ alleges that the citizen's failure to produce supporting document influences the decision making process (Ombudsman, 2002, SAAQ,). Clear evidence of this in the following example: a man applying for an upgrade in drivers licence received notice of a denied request as well as a revoked drivers' licence (Ombudsman, 2002). The man had a birth defect causing blindness in one eye. Fortunately, this did not impair the man's visibility because his other eye effectively compensated for this loss. In fact, the man earned his living as a truck driver (Ombudsman, 2002). Upon learning of the man's blindness the SAAQ capriciously decided to revoke the man's licence. This decision penalized the citizen as it impeded him from earning a living. The man made many attempts to ensure the SAAQ reconsider their decision. At each attempt, the SAAQ notified the man that in order to support his claim, the man should submit doctor reports and various document in a timely fashion. Even though the man respected the protocol, the SAAQ repeatedly informed the man that he had failed to submit the necessary paper work (Ombudsman, 2002). The man chose to sue the SAAQ and an investigation revealed that the man submitted the necessary paper work, however, administrative delays and errors prevented the SAAQ`s revision board from revisiting the man's case. ''The SAAQ administrative errors forced the man to take the SAAQ to court'' (Ombudsman, 2002 p 15). The ombudsman instructed the SAAQ review board to review the man's case because a court case could prove unnecessarily lengthy and more costly. The SAAQ agreed and overturned the decision to revoke the man's licence. However, if the SAAQ had respected their mandate and acted in the citizen's best interest the ombudsman's intervention could have been spared. The citizen only received compensation as a result of soliciting help from the Québec's ombudsman. Once again, another example that illustrates the careless administrative practices.

Denying payouts to drivers found guilty of a criminal accident, why should criminals receive compensation?  Lobbyists for the SAAQ denying payouts to drivers found guilty of a criminal accident over power the media hype around SAAQ practices (Cardwell, 2010). By focussing on citizen's emotions the SAAQ hopes to deny drivers responsible for criminal accidents compensation. A criminal accident (as defined by the SAAQ) refers to an accident resulting from breaking a law. Drunk driving constitutes a criminal offence or criminal accident. Drivers involved in such accidents generally receive compensation however, victims' families find this practice unacceptable (Van Vlaaridigen, 2002). The families view the comparison as victims of such accidents struggle to receive compensation, while the ones responsible receive restitution. If amendments to the automobile Insurance take effect it would include the following three proposed amendments: ``no driver who is criminally responsible for injury or killing someone would ever be immune from civil action." The Sociéte de l'Assurance automobile du Québec would no longer be compelled to compensate such drivers if they were injured in an accident.

The Sociéte would henceforth be entitled to demand that these drivers refund any amount it has had to pay out as compensation to other victims of the accident (if any) '' (Gardner, 2011 p1).

Such a system would grant some citizens the right to sue and deprive others of the same right. Furthermore only councils stand to benefit from such a system since ''43% of vehicular offenders have no source of income and 41% earn less than $ 30 000 per year'' (Gardner, 2011, p2). Finally, no driver is completely shielded from a momentary lack of judgement brought on by driving impaired perhaps because of medication or a seemingly harmless glass of wine or maybe even answering that far too important phone call. Allowing this amendment leads to setting up investigative systems. With investigative systems in place the climate of suspicion of all claimants could dominate.

Current practices reflect this climate, however unlawfully. Providing legislature to enforce such practices grossly harms drivers. Citizens must beware and inform themselves of the negative consequences of such an amendment. Gardner attributes the major cause of success of Québec system to lack of legislature especially since the number of ''automobile accidents linked to impaired driving has dropped steadily for the past fifteen years or so'' (Gardner, 2011 p 4).

SAAQ administrative practices encourage bias behaviour. Tom's story. In October 2010, Tom was involved in a road accident. The driver of the other vehicle failed to stop at the intersection and crashed his car into Tom's 4x4. The driver of the other vehicle caused the accident and the SAAQ`s investigation confirmed his negligence. Tom's car needed several thousands dollars of repairs which Tom's auto insurance covered. In addition, Tom's insurance paid for a rental car because the repairs would have taken a few weeks to complete. Upon impact, Tom consulted a health profession that confirmed  that Tom had sustained significant injury and require time off work, various treatment options such as physio therapy and medication. Tom adhered to the doctors recommendation and bought the medication, both muscle relaxants and pain killers, however failed to schedule an appointment from physio therapy that could alleviate pain because the SAAQ refused to accept the doctors orders.  Tom received notice from the SAAQ, that unless authorized by the SAAQ, Tom could not receive treatment. Tom patiently waited for the authorization for treatment, but, endured excruciating pain in the meantime.

After a month of waiting patiently, Tom called the SAAQ to inquire about treatment options. Someone at the call center replied that Tom's file required review. Tom pleaded for authorization for treatment only, stressing that the wage "review" could wait. Fervently, the agent replied Tom must refrain from receiving treatment until authorized. During this time Tom received no compensation for lost wages, or medical bills and his need for treatment persisted. After another month Tom once again contacted the SAAQ. A call center agent informed him that his file remained pended. Tom explained that it has been two months since his accident and that he had yet to receive compensation for lost wages, however, physio could at least get him on the road to rehabilitation. He pleaded to no avail.

This went on and on. Same scenario for the third and fourth month. By mid February 2011 it had been four and a half months since Tom sustained injuries that desperately needed treatment.  The SAAQ still refused to compensate for lost wages and medication. Tom's responsibility to his creditors forced him to return to work, the SAAQ`s failure to compensate depleted Toms resources.

Even though the doctor advised against it Tom resumed some duties. He could no longer wait for the SAAQ; it had been four and a half month without pay or treatment. Try as he might the SAAQ ignored his request and Tom endured the pain and forged ahead. At the beginning of March an investigator from the SAAQ contacted Tom requesting a meeting at Tim Horton's, no less. Since when do government officials conduct business at Tim Horton's? Don't our tax dollars pay for fancy offices? Unfortunately, the day that the investigators suggested Tom had a follow up doctors' appointment that conflicted. Tom politely declined and offered the agent several other dates to choose from. The agent informed Tom that he would contact Tom to reschedule a meeting. Several weeks later the agent contacted Tom. Although, Tom had yet to receive compensation, treatment or assistance from the SAAQ the agent wished to meet once more at Tim Horton's.

Tom informed the agent that time was scarce and would gladly answer any questions by telephone because a face to face meeting would require time. The agent informed Tom that that this was standard procedure. An obvious lie. No, in fact this is NOT standard procedure. Once the doctor completes a medical certificate the citizen must receive compensation (Ombudsman, 2002). The agent blatantly mislead the citizen. Luckily, Tom knew his rights and shared them with the agent. In addition offered that this practice only occurs when the SAAQ suspects the validity of an accident. Tom added "you have thoroughly investigated the damage of the car, I know, I've sent you the receipts. You have my account of the accident that has been corroborated by the other driver. You have interrogated the other driver. You have the doctor certificates, request for treatment and prescriptions and still you refuse to pay. What are you looking for?"

To that the agent informed Tom that failure to meet at Tim Horton's would result in his decision to close his file. Sounds like blackmail. The following day Tom received a call from another agent insisting they meet the following day. Tom had a scheduled business trip out of town and explained that that day conflicted, however, offered an alternative date. The agent threatened to close the file and tactlessly added that she could not careless because she still had a salary while Tom had none for two months.  Tom reminded her that in reality it had been five and a half months and that during that time he exercised nothing but patience. For months Tom made countless phone calls without anyone's reply and now that he had gone back to work the agents behave with such urgency. Arrogantly the agent made a strange parallel. She said: "when the police wants to interrogate you, you must abide'' to this absurd parallel Tom replied: "If he police wants to interrogate a citizen it must be because they are suspect in a crime, at which point the citizen has the right to have an attorney present, is this the case with the SAAQ, am I entitled to have my attorney present?". The agent hung up.

Without a closing. Without calling back to apologize for doing so. Without remorse for having behaved in an obviously callous and unprofessional way. Six and a half months later and Tom's file remains pending and Tom still needs treatment. It's important to clarify that Tom is an immigrant and the use of a lawyer ensures that the language barrier does not procure him any prejudice. In addition, Tom contributes to the social system with every vehicle registration. Tom has six registered vehicles with the SAAQ. Moreover, ALL accident victims regardless of contribution are ensured compensation under the no fault insurance. Clearly, the SAAQ administrators abuse their power.

Finally, it's a safe assumption to make the generalization that no citizen deliberately looks for or expects to get into an accident. Although, most hope to never have a car accident, they understand the possibility of it happening. Therefore, realizing the unpredictability of road accidents can put the severity of this dysfunctional system into perspective. Current practices offer a climate of frustration. Even though no fault insurance claims to protect citizens, the current practices penalize the citizens that contribute to this very system.

Rather than have external forces monitor their practices, the SAAQ should ensure that the citizens rights to compensation remain upheld. Administrative errors and delays should be dealt with in a forceful manner. A governmental agency owes its citizens the duty of acting in the public's best interest, employees that promote unfair or biased behaviour, or that abuse of their power to arbitrarily negate a victim's compensation should lose that power and their cushy governmental positions in the process. Only then could the SAAQ meet their mandate.

Bibliography

Cardwell, M. (2010). Getting Away With Murder. Canadian Lawyer.

Retrieved at:http://www.canadianlawyermag.com/Getting-away-with-murder.html

Desrosiers, M. (2010). SAAQ et CSST Facturation des Actes et Autres Services. Le

 Médecin du Québec. 45 (9), 142-143. print.

Gardner, D. (2003). Ill-advised Reforms to the Automobile Insurance Act. Association de

 Service de Réhabilitations Sociale du Québec. Translated by: Gaston St. Jean.

Retrieved at: http://www.asrsq.ca/fr/salle/porteouverte/0303/salle_por_030302.php

Gooderham, S. (1998). Relying on the Public Insurance Plan Could be Risky Business.

 Stratégies Fiscales et Financières pour Faire Croitre Votre Avoir. (Translated)

                   Retrieved at:http://www.sarafinance.com/fr/articles/199810/

MAAD: Retrieved at: http://www.madd.ca/english/research/insurance_canada.pdf

Myers vs. Langlois  (1998). (97-399); 168VT. 432;721 A.2d 129 (filed 23- oct. 1998) Supreme Court

                  Retrieved at: http://info.libraries.vermont.gov/supct/168/97-399op.txt

Ontario Transport Website:

http://www.mto.gov.on.ca/english/dandv/driver/demerit.shtml

http://amplicate.com/hate/saaq

Sociéte de l'Assurance Automobile WEBSITE: Retrieved at:

                   http://www.saaq.gouv.qc.ca/en/index.php

The Sociéte de L'assurance automobile du Québec. 2002. Québec, QC.

Retrieved at: http://www.protecteurducitoyen.qc.ca/fileadmin/medias/pdf/rapports_annuels/2002-03/en/section_3_2_06.pdf

Sugarman, S. O. (1998). Québec Comprehensive Auto No-Fault Scheme and the Failure

                   Of Any of the United States to Follow. Le Cahier de Droit. Université de Laval.

Retrieved at: http://www.docstoc.com/docs/20212553/Quebec-Revised

Van Vlaaridigen, C. (2010). Mother of Snow Removal accident victim wins in court.

 CTVMontreal.ca

Retieved at:

http://montreal.ctv.ca/servlet/an/local/CTVNews/20101015/mtl_saaq_101015/20101015/?hub=MontrealHome

Interview: Tom- accident victim- anonymity respected

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The United Nation's Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) was signed December 10th, 1948. To honor this monumental event, the United Nations has declared every December 10th to be International Human Rights Day. To celebrate, we have put together an informational production aimed at youth and those unfamiliar with the UDHR or the history or meaning of human rights.

This backgrounder examines the status and underrepresentation of female journalists.

The media influences the world and the way their audience views it. Journalists are powerful individuals who research and gather information that eventually gets shared with many; society calls this information news. Those providing the news are important. Equal representation of both male and female journalists in the media is important because equality is a right. An audience can grow if the representation is equally distributed because interest from this audience will arise. Male and female representation within the media has been a hot topic for quite some time now and is a topic that should be further looked into.

Journalists have been our "go to" voices for information. When there is something we want to know, we look to the news and those gathering the information to provide us with the story and its facts. Journalists have a profound impact in the way the public obtains information and how they learn.

Since 1608 when the first newspaper surfaced through the works of Captain John Smith titled Newes from Virgina, the world of journalism has transformed the way people find things out. The journalistic world has advances since then providing multiple ways and mediums to help provide news to a broad audience.

The female role in journalism has come a long since it first originated. Females had no place in the media in its early stages. The struggle for unified and equal representation of male and female journalists was very much present in the media. Women had no place and no voice inside the newsroom, nor did they have any say in what was newsworthy. As journalism began to be a profession, females were restricted and discriminated. That notion began to change when a group of female pioneer journalists began to fight for the rights of female journalist.

 A female pioneer, Nellie Bly, transformed the journalistic world. Bly was hired at a young age to write for the Pittsburg Dispatch but had to use a pseudonym because it was forbidden for women to be journalists. However, Bly took this opportunity to argue for the reform of marriage and divorce laws. Her voice was very important not only for the female journalist, but for the female in general.

If you look at newsrooms today, there is a pretty strong female representation taking place. Females are working in the media and are beginning to dominate the work force; however, it is still a work in progress.

Image obtained: http://learnsomethingnewtoday.us/2008/04/20/significant-firsts-for-women-in-us-politics/

Current Situation

If we look at today's newsroom, there is most certainly an array of female representation. Male representation in the media is still higher than the representation of females. It must be understood that there is no proof or vendetta against the female journalist being underrepresented; however, it is obvious to the eye that the process of becoming and being a journalist is more of struggle for the female versus the male. Jennie Ruby explains in her article "Women in Media" that an overall 35% of "behind the news" workers in radio, print and television combined are female journalists leaving the remaining 65% to males. This difference is quite significant and puts forth the reason why gender and media topics are being discussed within today's societies. Using this statement put forth in Ruby's article to categorize every institution as underrepresenting females within the media is unfair because progress has been made. The real issue is how much. If we were to look at CTV Montreal as an example of a media institution, the positions are more or less equally shared between both sexes. You will see just as much female representation as you will male. The difference could lie in who is saying what. The female is hardly ever seen as the sports broadcaster and a lot of the times the head news anchor is male. But to say that every media institution is promoting the male journalists and demoting the female journalist is something that has to be carefully looked into before being stated. However, there is a gap that is still present within certain sections of the media and that is what is of most importance when analyzing gender and journalism.

Looking at topic selection or those selected as specialists, the viewer can at times see less female representation within this section as well. If focusing on female athletes as a subject, there will generally be less representation of them in comparison to male athletes. In Jennie Ruby's article, readers are equally provided with percentiles that show the average male versus female coverage in the media; 5% of the time female athletes are the main focus of a journalistic article, while 35% of the time is male". The remaining 60% could be general updates or highlights from events. Demonstrating both the interviewer and subject topic, it can be understood that the female is still finding its way in the media.

Image obtained: http://www.bodybuilding.com/fun/drobson42.htm

Female Journalists and the Future

Stereotypes are still present within the media in regards to females. Some individuals still to this day view the idea of a female being the voice of information negatively. In their article " 'Feeling Much Smaller than You Know You Are': The Fragmented Professional Identity of Female Journalists", Marie Hardin and Stacie Shain provide insight on the stereotype of female journalists. They explain: 

"Adopting a masculine (''objective,'' detached) approach to journalism presents its own risks, as women are expected not to become assertive. Ferguson (1990) points out the widespread understanding that ''competent women are seen (by both sexes) as being pushy, choosy, mouthy and having slept their way to the top'' (p. 220). Further, female journalists who seek to improve perceptions and positions of women are likely to be seen as deviant (van Zoonen, 1994), and thus undesirable inside newsrooms."

 Image obtained: http://blogs.worldbank.org/developmenttalk/gender-equality-and-the-2012-world-development-report

The world of media is still adapting to the norms of society were equal rights are present. It must be understood that female position within the media has progressed from its early stages and do have a stronger role. Females have more of a voice than they once did, and the division between both sexes is much smaller than it once was. It can equally be stated that both sexes are almost at an equal within the newsroom. To say that both male and female representation in the media is equally shared, is something that still needs to be investigated. The improvement is there for us to see, but how much has been improved and were these improvements have taken place is what really needs to be examined.

Documentation

Shifflett, Bethany, and Rhonda Revelle. "Gender Equity In Sports Media Coverage: A Review Of The Ncaa News." Journal Of Sport & Social Issues 18.2 (1994): 144-150. Academic Search Complete. Web. 15 Sept. 2012.

Hardin, Marie, and Stacie Shain. "Feeling Much Smaller Than You Know You Are": The Fragmented Professional Identity Of Female Sports Journalists." Critical Studies In Media Communication 23.4 (2006): 322-338. Academic Search Complete. Web. 15 Sept. 2012.

Ordman, Virginia L., and Dolf Zillmann. "Women Sports Reporters: Have They Caught Up?." Journal Of Sport & Social Issues 18.1 (1994): 66-75. Academic Search Complete. Web. 15 Sept. 2012.

Warren Whisenant, et al. "The Current State Of Women Print Journalists: An Analysis Of The Status And Careers Of Females In Newspapers Sports Departments." Public Organization Review 5.3 (2005): 219-232. Academic Search Complete. Web. 15 Sept. 2012.

Hardin, Marie, and Stacie Shain. "Feeling Much Smaller Than You Know You Are": The Fragmented Professional Identity Of Female Sports Journalists." Critical Studies In Media Communication 23.4 (2006): 322-338. Academic Search Complete. Web. 15 Sept. 2012.

Beam, Randal A., and Damon T. Di Cicco. "When Women Run The Newsroom: Management Change, Gender, And The News." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 87.2 (2010): 393-411. Academic Search Complete. Web. 15 Sept. 2012.

Ruby, Jennie. "Women In Media." Off Our Backs 37.1 (2007): 14-17. Academic Search Complete. Web. 15 Sept. 2012.

Valdez20832. "Women in Sports Broadcasting: Crossing Gendered Lines." (2008). YouTube. 15 Sept. 2012.

Tsui, Celia Y. S., and Francis L. F. Lee. "Trajectories Of Women Journalists' Careers In Hong Kong." Journalism Studies 13.3 (2012): 370-385. Academic Search Complete. Web. 15 Sept. 2012.

Clavio, Galen, and Andrea N. Eagleman. "Gender And Sexually Suggestive Images In Sports Blogs." Journal Of Sport Management 25.4 (2011): 295-304. Academic Search Complete. Web. 15 Sept. 2012.

Warning! This video contains adult language.

I first met Randy Pinsky in a kitchen with multiple people busily baking on and around a table covered in bowls, bags of flour, cartons of eggs, bottles of oil--It was a pre-benefit concert bake-athon.  We have since participated in several benefit concerts together and have grown to be good friends. 

Randy (pictured on the left, her sister Marian Pinsky on the right) self-describes as an activist and likes to complement her action with education.  Over her academic career, she has acquired a bachelor's degree in archeology with a minor in Social Studies of  Medicine (from McGill University), a certificate in business law (Concordia University), a certificate in peace operations (Université de Montréal), and a bachelor's in political science with a minor in history (Concordia University). She is currently completing a master's degree in public policy and public administration at Concordia University. 

In connection with her studies and internships, she has published articles on topics, such as cooperative water initiatives (Journalists for Human Rights), women as "Protagonists of Peace, Activists for Change", and issues of reconciliation surrounding Bosnia-Herzegovina.

Randy and her sister, Marian's, activism and academic achievements have been recognized through several mutually received awards: most notably, the Lieutenant-Governor Youth Medal, Concordia University Outstanding Contribution Volunteer Award, and the Canadian Millennium Excellence In-Course Award.  

Randy and Marian kindly agreed to be interviewed through a combination of email and in-person conversations. In true student fashion, for our in-person interview, we settled down in an empty classroom and began our discussion.  The introductory information and the following Q & A have been formed from my interviews with Randy and Marian. 

I'll begin by letting Randy explain her recent internship with Médecins Sans Fontières.

I had an amazing opportunity to engage in "research in action" when I was recommended to do an internship with the Québec chapter of Médecins Sans Fontières (MSF--Doctors Without Borders). I took part in MSF's most recent project of perception studies in eleven countries, focusing specifically on the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Research of this sort is becoming ever more critical in light of the unsettling rise in attacks against aid workers. Rather than being perceived as neutral bodies, organizations are being suspected of harboring ulterior motives. This reality has left some places, such as Somalia, virtually devoid of aid organizations. Such initiatives are thus vital for elucidating how groups are being perceived, in order to enhance their security and maximize the effectiveness of aid. It is critical that we attempt to uncover the "faux pas" we are unintentionally making that is provoking such a negative response, and accommodate accordingly.

I delved into the debate of "Doing Good But Looking Bad" as is said in the field, and the challenge of upholding the humanitarian charter of neutrality, impartiality and independence in volatile areas. I then analyzed survey responses collected from a diverse array of aid workers, medical practitioners, organizations, and members of the local and diasporic Congolese communities. What an amazing networking opportunity! From the Canadian International Development Agency and Physicians for Human Rights, to Friends of the Congo, respondents provided thoughtful commentary on the reality encountered in the field.

Image via Wikipedia

My internship with MSF was a phenomenal experience and I felt so fulfilled, knowing that the work I did, was not going to be relegated to a dust-gathering pile of reports, but rather was contributing to enhancing the security of humanitarian workers, and the efficiency of aid. More than 'just' an internship then, this was a multidimensional venture into the world of humanitarian action in which the effects of my contribution will be tangible and far-reaching. Getting the chance to put your studies to work in an internship is truly valuable as it is a fulfilling means of finding your niche in your desired field. More than a great opportunity, my internship at MSF was critical for reaffirming my passion for "research in action", and helping launch my career in humanitarian work.

Randy, what motivates you to study topics of social justice at university?

I've always been frustrated by the apathy of people, how people can just subsist in their own little bubble, knowing (or pretending not to know) that others are suffering from poverty, inequality or malnutrition, but feeling not the least compelled to do something about it. I've always been driven by what my sister calls a sense of "righteous indignation". I am driven by inequality and injustice and find such issues provoke me to take part in and be part of the change. Whether this be writing for Journalists for Human Rights, doing an internship with Médecins Sans Frontières, or helping with a conference on the prevention of mass atrocities with the Montreal Institute for Genocide Studies, I feel empowered by taking part in something I care for. It is immensely satisfying to know that even though plights exist, at least I took part in trying to lessen their effects.

I have always felt the need to be engaged and change things, from the local level with performing in hospitals and senior homes, to the international, through internships and fundraisers. A quote I like is by Karl Marx who said, "philosophers have interpreted the world enough; the point however, is to change it". I strongly feel everyone has the capacity to contribute in some way, and that we all, really, have the obligation to be part of the movement for change.

Something that drives my focus of study, is the frustration of the catch phrase "never again" first voiced after the Holocaust. We have had so many chances to change the course of history, yet 'never again' keeps taking place, be it Rwanda, Darfur, to often forgotten places such as Cambodia and Armenia. Promises for change must be effected and put into action, not merely used to garner campaign popularity.

Through taking classes which focus on issues of injustice, I am inspired by the agency of those who have helped procure their own change, to ensure such acts are not done with impunity, but that consequences are made. It is only by informing people of such issues that we can finally learn from the past, change the future, and ensure that the lives lost have not been in vain.

Class topics that most fascinate me concern post-conflict peace building, reconciliation, and human rights. Whether it be through my regular courses or in specialty classes on Peace Operations at the Université de Montréal, I find these are really compelling issues that spark my interest, and I hope will best equip me for my ambition to work in the NGO field.

Randy, what aspects of justice of are of particular interest to you?

Post-conflict peace building, civil society, communities effecting their own change, and transitional justice, among others. It's not enough to study conflict; we must also examine how people have pulled themselves out of the mess they're in and start rebuilding their lives. It is for this reason that NGOs make it very clear that there is a difference between peacemaking, peacekeeping, and peacebuilding. More than mere semantic differences, the first two involve physically stopping the fighting, separating warring communities, and starting the process of negotiations. Peacebuilding is actually one of the most difficult of steps as it entails crafting a sustainable structure by which people can slowly heal from the experience, and normalize their lives again. Local agency is what inspires me; it's not enough for outsiders to come in and tell communities what the solutions are. The people themselves must be part of their own legacy if the changes adopted are hoped to be meaningful and sustained.

Image via Wikipedia

For instance, I wrote a paper on reconciliation in Bosnia-Herzegovina--it's on our history course website,

if you're interested! The
Mostar Bridge was an important heritage site, which was deliberately bombed in
order to effect the most amount of emotional and cultural damage. Upon
rebuilding it in 2004, many believed that the physical act could be translated
into the symbolic one of reconciling differences and 'building bridges'. While
this seemed ideal, this was only a PC version of the reality. In truth,
critical issues of concern remained unresolved, tensions and mutual suspicions
still abounded, and reconciliation was not effected in spite of the bridge's
rebuilding. In essence, the message is that all efforts cannot be placed just
in grand symbolic acts, but must be accompanied by tangible changes in order
for true change to be brought about.

Another issue on a similar note was in regards to a paper I wrote for a class on post-conflict peacebuilding, on the reintegration of female child soldiers in Sierra Leone. Through my research, I discovered that not only are there exceedingly few resources for these girls, they are not even utilized because they were developed without consulting those most affected! Insensitive issues, like the men who were involved being present at the rehabilitation centers, combined with the societal ostracism the girls experienced, would result in them simply not utilizing the services at all. It wasn't that the issue was resolved--far from it--but they were not helped in spite of the well intentioned programs, because organizers neglected critical issues. Unless the solution is actually taking into account the people affected, the problem is not going to be resolved.

It's for that reason I hope the paper I wrote for MSF will be incorporated into a sort of guide for humanitarian workers going into conflict zones, to realize the imperativeness (is that even a word? :)) of communicating with the local people when going about their work. An example that comes to mind is a series of books called "How to Be a Perfect Stranger", which basically depicts "do's" and "don'ts" when visiting people of a faith other than your own. It's a great way to not intentionally offend (slip-ups are common enough on their own :)) and gain points for sensitivity and awareness.

The main problem encountered by many organizations is that it is often conflict regions in which they go, and so learning the language and cultural customs often becomes a secondary consideration. While this is understandable, I really think a prep guide is direly needed, because without it, people can unintentionally offend community members, and subsequently, lose the trust upon which their entire work depends. Believe me, it's far easier to make mistakes than avoid doing them!

For instance, workers found that in Yemen, unless you first greet the elder males in the village, you could lose credibility in the eyes of the community. Another conflict of morals was experienced by MSF in Nigeria where the patriarchal community stated that it was imperative that men be treated first, even if their condition was less serious than for women. What do you do in a situation like that--treat the man with the paper cut and only get to the woman giving birth later in order to maintain local respect, or do what your medical logic tells you, and potentially lose out on community trust? There's no easy solution, but it's my hope that through engaging in perceptions studies, such as the one I was fortunate to be part of with MSF, such issues will be better explored and resolved.

Marian, what is the first social justice action you remember doing in partnership with Randy?

The first social justice action I did in partnership with Randy has to be the variety shows we organized at our grandfather's residence, although that was more of a family endeavor. Our first official partnership (please note: I tend to be impulsive and leap into things, which involves implicitly 'voluntelling' Randy as well) was launching the Free the Children chapter in high school. This involved setting up a committee, chairing meetings, doing outreach, and coordinating a variety of fundraisers, from bake sales to flower sales, to a raffle, and a huge assembly.

Randy, what was the first social justice action that you can remember participating in?

Every year for my grandfather's birthday, we would put on a variety show that involved everything from singing to (attempted) juggling, and lots of tap dancing, with us running back and forth to the 'wings' to change costumes after blowing kisses to the audience (well. Not really, but makes for a good story :)). These small shows eventually became our troupe of "Performers with a Purpose" called the Starburst Entertainers. As a student-based performance group, Marian, my older sister Donna and I, both coordinate and perform in the shows. Since 2000, we have organized over 200 shows at senior residences, raising funds for causes, such as MSF, World Vision, and UNICEF. We also pride ourselves for being 'on the scene' for emergencies, such as Katrina, the Tsunami, Burma, Pakistan and most recently, Haiti and Japan. We're really glad you've joined us for the shows, Christine, as you're one of our most dependable performers :).

The real impetus for first getting involved in social action however, was when Donna became involved with a group called Kids Can Free the Children (KCFTC) in CEGEP. Its aim is to end child labour by providing the kids' families with alternative income projects, such as micro-credit, entrepreneurship workshops, and means of earning a livelihood, so they are not left with no other choice but child labour. KCFTC also leads community development projects, educational opportunities, and exposes corporations that use child labour.

Totally inspired, we started a chapter at our high school, which was pure frustration :). I guess one of the main reasons for this was that it was so completely against the norm to do something social justice-oriented, people had a hard time getting their minds around it. This was an enormous undertaking in which we had to build a committee, engage in outreach and fundraising activities, and even had a huge conference in which we presented our amassed funds to the organization's founder, Craig Kielburger. What an amazing (though incredibly frustrating) opportunity to challenge the general passivity and self-entitlement we were often confronted with. We're still involved with Free the Children, but that was a really critical start to our development as the activists we are today.

Marian, what is a funny or memorable anecdote that occurred while working with Randy on a social justice/human rights project?

In high school, each fundraiser for Free the Children was a challenge, as not only were we confronted with apathy from the students, but from the administration as well, unfortunately.

Anyhow, we set up a table at the Parent-Teacher Interviews nights, where we sold baked goods and soft drinks, and distributed information about child labor and the number of children (predominantly girls) who are denied the right to accessible education. Though we got a lot of support from parents, we also received several callous, insensitive and ignorant comments from well-fed, comfortable people, who either bypassed our table in search of the fashion show booth, or hassled us on the realities of child labour, more interested in saving on their precious commodities than acknowledge the reality in which they are made.

By this time, I (who don't tend to have a lot of patience in the best of times) was getting exasperated, bitter, and discouraged with the callousness and selfishness being witnessed. Randy, in a typical display of her good-naturedness and sense of humor laced with "prankness," which makes her such an ideal person to partner with in social justice endeavors, came up with a plot to have parents, teachers, and students crawling back to our table. In the name of eliminating the competition, she surreptitiously yanked the plug from the Coke machine in the cafeteria, and hurriedly scribbled an 'Out of Order - Sorry' sign. That got 'em coming, if only begrudgingly.

Image via Wikipedia

With little sleep in us, we then proceeded to set up everything for the two shows. Received an order to drop everything and run to bring up 'the nicest carnations' for our principal, who was anything but supportive of any of our endeavors and even insisted on paying at cost-price.  I took the scrawniest flowers I could find and raced to her office, only to be ordered to bring back nicer ones. I was seething throughout the entire show and sold flowers through gritted teeth. Randy, as always, has a great disposition and worked to keep my spirits up, reminding me of the importance of the cause.

As we were wrapping up at the end of the second show, and I was thinking murderous thoughts having to do with the administrative office, one of the custodians we had worked with came up to us, and said he wanted to buy two flowers. Thinking what a sweet gesture this was for his wife, we selected the nicest carnations we had. To our surprise, he handed them back to us, in recognition of all our hard work and the thanklessness of it all that he saw in our frustrating interactions with the administration. I almost cried: I was so touched. I mean, this is someone whose income and status level is miles behind that of the administration, yet he was much more of a mentsh.

Anecdotes from Randy

Funny anecdotes, huh? Well, one thing that comes to mind is a huge fundraiser we organized in CEGEP for Dans la Rue, an organization that works to help youth who live in the streets of Montreal. Rather than only do the regular bake-sales and popcorn stands (although we did that, too), we decided to collect items for the kids. What most people don't realize is that they don't just need food to subsist--they need items of clothing, and even regular things we take for granted like Kleenex, toothpaste, socks, scarves, etc. I think this was a really great eye-opener for the students and everyone really got involved, especially when we made a special call-out for teddy bears. As one of the organization's leaders told us, no matter how many piercings and tattoos they might have, kids still need someone to love, as this is often hugely lacking in their lives.

We soon had an enormous pyramid of food and items that we would regularly neaten up, and admire. Every couple of days, we would say, "we need to take a photo with the team before we send it all to Dans la Rue", but somehow, as is the life of a student, we never got around to it...

One rare day, I actually remembered to bring my camera, emailed our team members, came to school... and the pyramid was gone. How does something of that size just get up and walk away?! We were then informed that the dean (who had always been supportive before), was expecting some important guests, and thought it looked 'messy'. Not only was I frustrated that this was done before we had a chance to document it, but also that she didn't perceive this as an ideal example of student initiative and engagement. At any rate, everything was donated and we felt fulfilled, knowing we made a huge difference--still... :)

Another story is when Marian and I were involved in the Social Justice Committee of Montreal and helped coordinate a public education conference on "Responses to the Global Economic Crisis and its Impacts in the Third World". While working through all the logistics, I, crazy person that I am, decided that it was not enough to talk about social justice and sustainability, but that it would be so much more meaningful to act it as well. Thus developed what we called "sustainability in action". From the reusable dishes, to fair trade hot beverages, food provided by a community kitchen, and socially conscious raffle, the whole thing was sustainable from beginning to end (oh. And the speakers were great, too :)). Despite the exhaustion (especially with washing dishes until midnight), I really think we made a huge impact in actually putting into action the message we were conveying.

The last quick anecdote was experienced when we volunteered with Youth Action Montreal, an incredible conference which was geared to inspiring students to become involved in local or international causes. With phenomenal speakers from Free the Children, the Abhilasha Foundation (for education for kids with disabilities in India), Five Days for the Homeless, and Journalists for Human Rights, it was an incredible experience.

Anyhow, one of our speakers was the amazing Stephen Lewis who specializes in HIV/AIDS awareness, and is a critical advocate for women's rights. A hugely recognizable individual, I was amazed to see him wandering in the hallway, just minutes before he was supposed to present. When I approached him with my snazzy volunteer t-shirt, he gave me this big smile and said, "Hi, I'm Stephen", before proceeding to amiably chat with me. This was incredible as not only was it a chance to meet a renown leader in the field, he took the time to converse with an otherwise 'mere' volunteer. That really said a lot in that he supports activism in all its forms and took the time to do something most people of his stature would not even consider doing.  

Randy, what do you hope to see come from organizing discussions and fundraisers?

I guess the most important thing is for people to realize there is a world outside their own backyard and that everyone has an obligation to try to remedy inequalities, in whatever capacity they can. I really think everyone has the ability to do something, and am guided by the belief that "you may only be one person to the world, but you may also be the world to one person". When we organize events and fundraisers, I hope to shake people up a bit, challenge what they know, and remind them they actually wield the power within them to effect change. If I can inspire someone to care and maybe take up the opportunity to get involved in something, that's a reward for me.

Even when the chapter of Free the Children we started in high school didn't last long after we left, this was not a failure. In fact, we were told by a faculty member that this initiative was a great kick in the pants for the students, and served to create a legacy for social justice engagement which continues to this day. What now exists is a group called The Human Promise, which raises awareness of Darfur; an initiative, we were told, that simply wouldn't have materialized had it not been for the spark of change we started.

Randy, what activist projects are you involved in at the moment?

Currently, I'm a research assistant and intern at the Montreal Institute for Genocide and Human Rights Studies (MIGS) at Concordia. We recently held an enormous conference on "The Promise of the Media in Halting Mass Atrocities" to mark the 10th anniversary of the Responsibility to Protect, hosting phenomenal speakers including Jonathan Hutson of the Enough Project (as in enough with "Never Again"), the Honorable Irwin Cotler, Mona Eltahawy (formidable journalist on the Arab spring), and Roméo Dellaire, among others.  It was really inspiring to be part of this conference and was an amazing way to meet other like-minded people who are not content to passively watch in the face of atrocities, but demand that change be brought about.

At this event, they said a quote by Nicholas Kristof of the New York Times that I found particularly inspiring: "Isn't it better to inconsistently save some lives than to consistently save none?"^*. In essence, this is what guides my activism; you don't know how much of an impact you will have, but it sure as heck will be more than doing nothing.

We also volunteer at a cat shelter for abandoned and lonesome kitties, except I think we get more out of it than they do :).

Also, now that it's 'that time of the year' again, Marian and I are planning our "Carolling for a Cause" events in which we raise funds for the Montreal Children's Hospital Foundation by caroling door to door. We also bring holiday cheer to patients in the Montreal General and Royal Victoria, and would welcome anyone reading this to join us! Lastly, though we haven't done many Starburst shows recently, we're ever on the ready if there is some sort of emergency that requires a show.

Marian, what specific characteristics have you noticed in Randy, that make her particularly skilled at social activism?

Randy has always been driven by a strong sense of justice. Her righteous indignation propels her to take action rather than bemoan the unjust nature of the world. I think that by virtue of being the youngest, who would always intervene in family squabbles, her inclination to be a pacifist has translated well in her current Masters research on conflict resolution. Randy has a strong work ethic, and her empathy, curiosity, imaginativeness, and creativity are excellent qualities in coordinating events. Her fondness of setting up pranks attests to a refined ability to visualize and has given her organizational skills that have been useful in coordinating events.

My impulsivity, which is rooted in both indignation and an eagerness to challenge perceived wrongs, is tempered by her more realistic appraisal of the situation. She is the stubbornest person I know and is determined, spunky and committed; qualities which are critical for working in a social justice field.

Randy is proactive and indomitable, meaning that even if she witnesses gross infractions and abuses of human rights in her research, she keeps an optimistic and upbeat nature, which allows her to surface above what seems to be insolvable and self-perpetuating problems.

Randy is fun, fun-loving, and a committed individual, who has always had a strong sense of right and wrong. She is loyal to her friends and the various causes to which we ascribe and commit our efforts, and always good-naturedly goes along with projects I propose, whether it is collecting items for Dans La Rue, coordinating fundraisers and benefit concerts for FTC and Starburst Entertainers, respectively, collecting cans of non-perishable foods door-to-door on Halloween, or volunteering on a 30-person bicycle to benefit the Children's hospital. Randy takes initiative where other people need instruction, sees what needs to be done, and does it. This is a great partnership (although it does make me impatient when in projects I have to work with people who need specific direction and who are less intuitive than Randy!).

Randy, for people wanting to begin being more socially active, what would you suggest they do?

Think of something you feel you're good at, and find an organization that could benefit from that skill.  The Montreal Volunteer Bureau has over 700 opportunities for getting involved! It all depends on what you're looking for, from working in food banks, to volunteering in animal shelters, visiting the housebound, joining community kitchens... the list goes on.

And the great thing of being involved, is you do it because you want to--you get a sense of fulfillment knowing that you were part of the solution rather than the problem; it's just a nice fuzzy feeling that I would highly recommend :). Also, you can become involved in whatever capacity tickles your fancy; while some travel abroad to volunteer, I prefer the behind the scenes work for my international causes and the tangible hands-on work for the local issues. I don't think going abroad is any more valuable than being involved at a local level; though it may be underemphasized, I think it's as, if not more, valuable--you don't need to travel to a country in question to show true commitment.

Randy, do you feel that having the support of a community of social-justice minded people is important for persevering in seeking justice, or do you feel that internal motivation is sufficient?

Both are important.  The thing is, you need the support of a group because you can be frustrated with the inequality and unfairness that abounds, and just sort of be talking in an echo chamber. You really need to meet other like-minded people in order to effect tangible and sustainable change. Having a community of committed individuals, no matter how small, can make a world of a difference.

Internal motivation is also key, because it keeps you going when you encounter frustration, be it bureaucratic or otherwise. Also, once you start getting involved, you become overwhelmed by the plight of so many in the world, and disillusioned with the complicit nature of most people. I encountered this as a mall fundraiser for World Vision, but you can't let yourself be consumed by disillusionment toward people's selfishness and ignorance. You just need to surround yourself with those who care, and know that it is the few special people who make a difference, that need to count.

When you do meet other people who are similarly minded, your energy and enthusiasm really bounces off one another and you get such a great outcome that's not only meaningful but is sustained.

Further Reading: (Reconciliation in Bosnia-Herzegovina: The Mostar Bridge)

A project assembled by Andrea Bluteau, Kirima Isler, Tessa Jones, and Randy Pinsky:

http://digitalhistory.concordia.ca/gtaylor/mostar/home2.html

* Kristof, Nicholas, D. 2011. "Is It Better to Save No One?" op-ed New York Times, April 2. 

http://www.nytimes.com/2011/04/03/opinion/03kristof.html

Image source: Flickr.

Image source: Flickr.

Your index finger rapidly depresses the left click button of the mouse as your brain attempts to keep up by processing the images flickering across the screen. You quickly look up to ensure that the door has been safely shut and that a quick escape from the site in question is possible at all times - you wouldn't want anyone 'catching' you doing this. No. This is not pornography in the traditional sense of the word, but the era of Facebook and social networking. "Facebook stalking," a term that has been around since its inception has now become part of the everyday lingo of adolescents. The fundamental nature of its purpose and layout, without modification, actively encourages behaviour labelled as 'stalking.' So why do people choose to associate the natural activities that Facebook encourages with 'stalker,' a word with all sorts of negative connotations in our society?

Continue reading....

Image source: Flickr.

The eastern coast of Canada is a symbol of the beauty, vastness and cultural integrity of our country. Canadians who live near fisheries in Eastern Canada pride themselves in the preservation of their lakes and rivers. The earth and oceans have been shaped by hard working Canadian hands that value and respect the estuaries which support the economic backbone of settlements along the Canadian coast. However with a decrease in animal population control, particularly pertaining to the seal hunt, the fishing industry has taken a huge loss in fish stocks due to the overpopulation of seals. The seal hunt itself has become a Canadian symbol that challenges the connotations of the preservation of Canadian wildlife, as well as the values of the people who live along the eastern seaboard.

Although this issue is most vividly seen along the coast of Newfoundland and Labrador, places farther west such as the Gaspe Coast are starting to feel the pinch. For example, small towns such as Cascapedia St - Jules are one of many pockets in Eastern Canada where fishing is a life line that brings vitality to the community after the frozen winter months. During the Spring the town itself becomes alive, flowing in total synchronic harmony with the river. As the ice in the lakes and rivers thaw fishermen prepare their boats and canoes in anxiety for the approaching fishing season. These Gaspesians respect the dichotomy of give and take while working fluidly along side the river. By truly living off the land, the river becomes the supporting vein of vitality that allows Cascapedia St - Jules to function. Without the river and its salmon pools, the town would become a desolate and barren mark left on the hide of the Gaspe coast. However, with an increase in the Harp Seal population, seal packs have shifted their habitat further west in order to find sufficient feeding grounds. The result is a depletion of Salmon in rivers such as the Cascapedia. This is a grim reality for a town that survives solely on Atlantic Salmon. But the real challenge is in dealing with population control and the issues which  surround the connotations of the notorious seal hunt.

The Canadian seal hunt has become a popular protest site for animal rights activists and on the other end of this protest there is a strong awareness of human rights and well being in reference to employment, income and sustainability. With this unstable dichotomy, the seal hunt has become a tension high issue that represents Canada in the eyes of the world.  The seal hunt has become a wildfire the spreads across the Canadian North.  It is shaped as a chaotic cluster of emotion, beliefs and stances that spill out in the hearts of protestors and fishermen alike. This fire that has been fueled by economic, environmental and political, gestures has grown so out of control that the chaos has become symbolic of the "great" Canadian north. Yet this symbol reveals itself to the world as a blood sport thirsting for merciless barbaric bludgeoning. The seal hunt depicts itself in the crimson stained snow like the red that soaks into the white backdrop of our national flag.

The clashing dichotomy of give and take has spiraled into an almost superficial falsehood, where celebrities such as the McCartney's and Pamela Anderson exercise a demonstration which provokes a means to take away from Canadian livelihood. The seal hunt has become a symbol that veils rural, natural and traditional Canadian culture.  When I stand on the shores of the Cascapedia and watch seals parade up and down the current with salmon in their mouths it is easy to realize just how much the seal hunt and animal population control is really destroying.                  

Image source: Flickr.

Last Saturday, on May 28^th, 2011, Bombardier Karl Manning became the 156th Canadian soldier to die in Afghanistan and the second to be killed in 2011. He was found dead from non-combat related wounds and an enemy action had been ruled out. Accordingly, Minister of National Defense Peter MacKay released a statement of condolences as well as the following: "The Canadian Forces continue to make a positive difference in Afghanistan while protecting and promoting both Canadian and international security". What is this positive difference that MacKay is speaking of? And how are they protecting and promoting both Canadian and International security? This is an issue that has presented many concerns for Canadians and dominates much of their conversations. And if it is not dominating their conversations, then it should because it is their own government's credibility at stake and Canadians are the real investors in their government's operations in Afghanistan.

Canada's combined resources and expertise on the security, governance and development fronts are playing no small part in helping the Government of Afghanistan secure a supposed better future for its people. Canada has been unable to deliver the results it has promised and has provided more ground for people questioning Canada's presence there instead of answers and tangible results.

Continue reading....

When I was a child, I remember asking my mom why - in some cases - children's pictures weren't published on the news or in newspapers.  She'd simply reply that it was to conserve their innocence, to keep their identity protected from the rigid public world, and that there were laws to keep publishers from doing so.  At that time I sincerely hoped my picture wouldn't end up in the Gazette, or elsewhere for that matter, since my innocence could have been at stake.  I guess we can say that back then, innocence was just the right word to qualify my understanding of the issue. 

Now, as a parent myself, my mom's voice and the conversation we once had has resurrected because of the emergence of a new self-publishing tool called Facebook.   This virtual social network, seen as beneficial by some and diabolic by others, has steered my acquaintances and I through fiercely oppositional ethical deliberations.  For my part, despite its communicational role creating a social fabric, I strongly believe that Facebook should not be used as a tool to expose children whatsoever because it violates the privacy rights of those without voice for the benefit of others who perhaps have narcissistic intentions.   

In today's fast-lane society, virtual social networks as Facebook can ease the feasibility of maintaining relationships between family and friends regardless of time and distance.  For instance, if a family decides - for any given reason, like a job opportunity - to establish itself abroad, Facebook will enable its members to effortlessly keep in touch with their relatives.  By publishing pictures of themselves through the network in question, changes that kids go through as they grow up will not be missed by anyone.  I mean, without the network, what are they supposed to do, write handwritten letters and send pictures every two weeks?  But then again, this would be an isolated case and I guess it could be an undisputable reason for publishing pictures of your children on Facebook.  However, complaisant people who relentlessly use this contractual tool should be informed that "facebooking" is not a private activity but is rather public.  In other words, the saying "what goes on in the family, stays in the family" is not thoroughly applicable anymore.  

When publishing pictures of your children on Facebook, you are literally robbing your children's choice to stay underground.  In fact, as we can read directly from the Facebook website, new members must agree upon over one hundred different conditions and one of them reads as follows: "For content that is covered by intellectual property rights, like photos and videos ("IP content"), ... you grant us a non-exclusive, transferable, sub-licensable, royalty-free, worldwide license to use any IP content that you post on or in connection with Facebook."[1] In other words, when you sign-up to become a Facebook member, you must consent to the following criteria: primo, everything you publish becomes property of Facebook, and secondo, Facebook gains all rights to use all your published material in the way it intends to.  Subsequently, this tends to shatter the argument, which stipulates that only your Facebook friends will have access to your publications.  Ethically speaking, as parents and legal tutors, we must question our right to post pictures of our children on Facebook. 

For my part, I choose to protect my two daughters' private identity and integrity by all means until they will have reached the age of reason.  Now, some would think that these nebulous sign-up conditions stated above should definitely be repulsive enough to discourage any indulgent parent to pursue their quest of advertising their intimacy.  But no, another reason explains why some people - who happen to be parents - decide to post pictures of their children on this social grid: narcissism. The public exposure of children on Facebook goes beyond the traditional family fabric where the parent-publishers mindlessly trade their kids' privacy for a self-centred goal.  Indeed, according to research, facebooking can lead to incommensurable self-adoration.  In a particular study targeting Canadian university students, researchers defined narcissism as follows: "... a pervasive pattern of grandiosity, need for admiration, and an exaggerated sense of self-importance."[2] Thus, the deemed narcissists, self-promoted, self-fulfilling, of grandiose love for oneself, in perpetual quest for higher self-esteem, and in brutal need of recognition will thereby use their children - by posting their pictures - as a means to meet their ends. 

Ultimately, Facebook is a self-promoting tool, which can rob children of their innocence. Although its usefulness can be understood, I call upon parents and Facebook users to leave children out of this social network since too much is at stake.  Once a private corporation owns your publications, who knows where your children's faces could end up?  Isn't it crazy that, despite the fact that there are laws protecting our children's private identity, some parents purposely give their consent to go around them?  Our children should undeniably be shielded by our parental responsibility to constantly and scrupulously act in their best interests.  Taking risks contradicts this whole principle.            

[1] https://www.facebook.com/terms.php

[2] http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/technology/personal-tech/facebook-a-big-hit-with-narcissists-study/article1698694/  

Approximately 350 million people around the world speak French, as a first or second language. It is known as one of the major Romance Languages; coincidently, it is also considered the most romantic language in the world. Quebec is the only province in Canada with French as its only official language. For years, the Quebecois have been fighting to maintain their language and culture. They were obliged to set laws to prevent English, which is the most common language of Canada, from taking over and completely overriding the French language.

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As one of those long afternoons spent at the library studying dragged on, I received an email from my management professor inviting me to a conference called "Youth Action Montreal - Local Change, Global Results". My first thought was to just thank her politely and return to my more pressing studies. But after reading the conference's tagline for this year "Living Your Legacy: A Youth Summit on Community Engagement", I couldn't help not clicking on the link and became interested as I read through the list of keynote speakers, which included world-renowned Canadian Environmentalist David Suzuki; the Right Honorable Michaëlle Jean; former UN special envoy for HIV/AIDS in Africa Stephen Lewis and Co-founder of Free the Children & Me to We Craig Kielburger. The website also mentioned it was going to feature successful youth projects, but I didn't give that much attention at the time.  In addition, after learning that many of my classmates were going, I decided to tag along and attend the conference.

Recently, secularism's attack toward Mount Royal's well-known religious landmark arose once more.  On February 8, 2007, the provincial Liberal government in Québec, led by Premier Jean Charest, announced the formation of the "Consultation Commission on Accommodation Practices Related to Cultural Differences."  This was in answer to the dissatisfaction of the population concerning "reasonable accommodations".  This commission, which cost millions, aimed to survey the population in order to determine how secular Québec's society should be.  Regrettably, the exceptional political space created to open up a dialogue between citizens of different cultural/religious backgrounds and the government turned out to create more turmoil, agitation, and discontent than the expected resolutions.  For one, some even proposed to dismantle Mount Royal's cross.

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Image source: Flickr.  

Image source: Flickr

It is no secret that North America and other industrialized countries are facing several health and environmental issues. To solve these problems, a major shift in perceptions is necessary to create awareness. How can one solve a problem if it is not well understood?  One individual cannot change the fate of the world but can make a significant contribution by effecting change within his or her own personal boundaries. Montreal's abundance of farmers markets, small bakeries and butchers makes it a good city to study the food conundrum: buy local or buy global. This essay will compare and contrast the options for completing the mundane task of grocery shopping. The criteria used to evaluate these options will be based on cost, time consumption, health benefits, environmental benefits and economical impact. 

My work has also motivated me to put a lot of time into seeking out good food and to spend more money on it. Michael Pollan

Pollan, a journalist and "foodie activist", best represents a common misconception that local foods are always more expensive. The logic behind this misconception is that supermarkets have the industrial advantage of economies of scale. This term highlights the supermarket's buyer power. In simple terms, for each additional unit purchased, the buyer's cost per unit decreases. Consequently, supermarkets can sell their products at a lower cost. This buyer power can also apply to production costs: the mass agricultural operations supplying the global food market have much lower production costs per unit then the local farmers. In fact, this reasoning is logical but does not represent the reality of the food industry as many variables determine costs. To illustrate this reality, we will use bread.

The prices of the global food market have risen due to an increase in the cost of raw materials such as wheat, sugar and oil (Ryan Charkow, CBC News- SEE FIGURE 1). Bread has been greatly affected because some of its fundamental ingredients experienced the highest fluctuations. As a field experiment, the price of basic sliced white bread from Montreal's famous bakery Première Moisson were compared to the classic sliced white bread from IGA.   IGA's brand and no-brand bread price varies between $2.39 and $3.99. Première Moisson's basic white bread is priced at $2.50.

How did Première Moisson maintain a low price?  Its main wheat and flour suppliers are Quebec-based and partly owned by Première Moisson. This provides Première Moisson with control over some of the raw material costs. For example, the consumption of oil necessary for the basic bread ingredient to travel to the Première Moisson stores. To conclude, the determinants of cost are numerous and so, the advantage truly lies within which entity can devise the best strategic formula to bring value to their customers. Local markets (specialist) have the advantage of flexibility within the range of costs for the product they offer whereas supermarkets (generalist) have the advantage of flexibility in the range of products they offer.

A stranger to this city not too long ago, I was determined to discover the core culture in Montréal by finding artifacts that truly belonged to the Québécois culture. One of the gems I found was in an improbable area for the average tourist: the Centre-Sud district.

Historically, the Centre-Sud was an important industrial district during and after the Second World War. Its decline was a result of a mix bag of events such the Révolution Tranquille and Montréal's economic progress focused on the downtown area. As industry players began relocating to better manufacturing real estate, buildings were left abandoned and many became victims of fires. The voids left by these abandoned and empty lots in the community can still be felt. These changes prompted infrastructural and social imbalance. Today, it's an old neighborhood where time has left its mark on the old apartment buildings and the stores at street level. The smell originating from the J.T. McDonald's cigarette factory -one of the last industrial residents- can be overwhelming at times. Recent residential, entrepreneurial and urban developments are slowly rejuvenating this small community. Le Touski, a small work-cooperative café has been acting as a social pillar for this community since 2001.

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